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BOLSHEVISM    AND 
SOCIAL  REVOLT 


BY 
DANIEL  DORCHESTER,  JR. 


THE  ABINGDON  PRESS 
NEW  YORK  CINCINNATI 


Copyright,  1919,  by 
DANIEL  DORCHESTER,  JR. 


HX 
51 


1- 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAQK 

I.  Pre-Bolshevism 7 

II.  Bolshevism  and  Kindred 23 

III.  Russia's  Problem  the  World  Problem  49 

IV.  Economic  Force  and  the  Social  Order    76 
V.  Property  and  the  Social  Order 106 

Index 123 


1521 851 


CHAPTER  I 
PRE-BOLSHEVISM 

The  Origin  of  Anarchy 

Social  revolt  is  as  old  as  society.  Ac- 
cording to  the  Bible,  there  was  war  in 
heaven;  Satan  and  his  angels  rose  in  rebel- 
lion against  the  celestial  government.  Simi- 
lar stories  are  found  in  other  religions  and 
traditions.  Examples  of  daring  revolt 
against  power  and  authority  have  always 
had  a  strong  fascination  for  certain  minds 
and  been  a  stimulus  to  like  deeds.  Bakou- 
nine,  the  great  Russian  anarchist  and  Nihil- 
ist, admired  Satan  as  "the  eternal  rebel," 
"the  first  freethinker  and  emancipator  of 
the  worlds,"  "the  unconquerable  enemy  of 
absolutism,"  whom  "the  proletariat  should 
worship  as  his  patron  saint."  There  has 
been  a  rebellious  spirit  in  man  from  the  be- 
ginning. The  passion  to  be  free,  to  live 
one's  own  life  and  in  one's  own  way;  the 

T 


8  BOLSHEVISM 

lust  for  power  and  pelf  and  the  determina- 
tion to  gratify  it  in  defiance  of  all  restraint, 
have  persisted  in  all  ages  and  conditions. 

Human  government  is  inevitably  defec- 
tive and  has  always  been  mixed  with  more 
or  less  injustice.  Whole  races  and  classes 
have  at  times  been  cruelly  kept  in  subjec- 
tion. Hegel,  in  his  Philosophy  of  History, 
after  declaring  that  the  goal  of  humanity  is 
"the  realization  of  freedom,"  states  that 
among  the  Orientals  "only  One  is  free  and 
the  freedom  of  that  One  is  caprice,"  which 
was  often  expressed  by  "brutal  recklessness 
of  passion."  Among  the  Romans  "some 
were  free,  but  not  man  as  such."  Even  the 
freedom-loving  Greeks  had  slaves,  "and 
their  whole  life  and  the  maintenance  of  their 
splendid  liberty  was  implicated  with  the  in- 
stitution of  slavery." 

The  Machiavellian  Conception  of  the 
State  and  Anarchy 

For  the  last  two  centuries  the  Machiavel- 
lian conception  of  the  state  has  dominated 
the  most  of  Europe.  This  theory  was  based 
upon  the  generally  accepted  idea  that  there 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT  9 

must  be  some  power  superior  to  all  other 
powers  which  can  command  the  obedience  of 
all  and  thus  become  a  protection  against  the 
enemies  of  order  within  and  without.  This 
power  is  lodged  in  "the  Prince,"  that  is,  in 
some  person  of  royal  blood.  Out  of  this 
despotic  idea  grew  monarchies  of  irresponsi- 
ble power,  with  unlimited  sovereignty  and 
arbitrary  decrees,  which  have  trampled  upon 
human  rights  and  strangled  the  life  of  peo- 
ples. 

Thackeray,  in  his  Four  Georges,  gives  a 
single  example  of  how  peoples  and  their 
property  were  subject  to  the  will  of  the 
ruler  to  be  disposed  of  as  he  saw  fit.  "The 
Duke  of  Hanover  sold  to  the  seniory  of 
Venice  six  thousand  seven  hundred  of  his 
subjects,  of  whom  only  one  thousand  four 
hundred  ever  saw  their  homes  again,  the 
proceeds  of  the  sale  being  devoted  to  the 
satisfaction  of  the  royal  duke's  sensual  pleas- 
ures. 'Round  all  that  royal  splendor  lies 
a  nation  enslaved  and  ruined ;  there  are  peo- 
ple robbed  of  their  rights — communities  laid 
waste — faith,  justice,  commerce  trampled 
upon  and  well-nigh  destroyed — nay,  in  the 


10  BOLSHEVISM 

very  center  of  royalty  itself,  what  horrible 
stains  of  meanness,  crime,  and  shame!  .  .  . 
Tliis  is  going  on  all  Europe  over"^ 

The  countries  of  Europe  were  ruled  and 
exploited  by  a  despotic  few  who  claimed  to 
be  chosen  by  God  and  under  no  obHgation 
to  make  concessions  to  their  subjects  be- 
cause it  was  just  to  do  so,  but  only  as  an  act 
of  grace.  Not  until  the  nineteenth  century 
was  the  odious  practice  of  treating  the  peo- 
ple of  a  territory  as  chattels  wholly  discon- 
tinued. Down  to  this  great  war,  notably  in 
Germany,  Austria,  and  Russia,  the  rulers 
persisted   in   the    exercise    of   irresponsible 


'  "The  experience  of  three  centuries  has  demonstrated 
that,  far  from  insuring  respect  for  the  rights  of  all,  the 
principle  of  the  balance  of  power  resulted  merely  in  causing 
the  powerful  states  to  concede  that  every  acquisition  of  ter- 
ritory made  by  one  of  them  might  justify  equivalent  ac- 
quisitions on  the  part  of  the  rest.  .  .  .  Powerful  to  intro- 
duce peace  and  justice  into  international  relations,  it  has 
veiled  with  specious  and  virtuous  pretexts  unjust  ambitions, 
baleful  wars,  and  veritable  operations  of  brigandage" 
(Charles  Dupries,  L'Equilibre  Europe  'en,  p.  86). 

"It  takes  no  account  of  any  other  motives  of  state  policy 
than  the  personal  aggrandizement  of  rulers  and  the  terri- 
torial extension  of  states.  It  distributes  provinces  and 
rounds  off  the  boundaries  of  kingdoms  without  regard  to  the 
wishes  of  populations  and  their  affinities  of  race,  religion, 
and  sentiment"  (Lawrence,  Principles  of  International  Law, 
p.  129). 

Both  these  quoted  by  Brown  in  International  Realities, 
p.  208. 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         11 

power,  acknowledging  no  law  of  right 
higher  than  the  necessity  of  the  state  and 
its  aggrandizement.  For  its  own  ends,  in- 
dividuals and  communities  were  organized 
and  utilized  much  like  tracts  of  land  under 
intensive  cultivation  for  what  they  could 
produce.  Wars  were  often  waged,  in  which 
the  aristocracy  were  enriched  and  the  peo- 
ple impoverished  and  sacrificed.  Force  was 
the  compelling  means  and  justification  in 
the  acts  of  state.  In  all  the  supreme  mat- 
ters of  "life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  hap- 
piness" the  state  was  virtually  supreme. 
The  people  had  only  limited  rights;  those 
who  were  servilely  obedient  were  profited 
and  promoted;  those  who  were  disobedient 
and  rebellious  were  ostracized  and  punished. 
The  old  fable  of  the  Lion  and  the  Beasts 
is  a  true  description  of  the  rule  of  absolut- 
ism. "Thus  did  the  Lion  prepare  a  feast 
for  all  the  beasts  of  the  field;  even  the  field 
mice  and  the  moles  had  their  seat  and  share 
assigned,  each  strictly  according  to  its  in- 
trinsic merits.  But  then  at  the  feast  the 
Lion  took  his  Lion's  share." 

Against    such    irresponsible,    oppressive. 


12  BOLSHEVISM 

cruel  rule  the  fierce  hostility  of  the  anarchist 
has  much  justification.  The  Nihilism  of 
Russia  and  the  present  revolutions  in  Aus- 
tria and  Germany  are  the  natural,  if  not 
the  logical,  outcome  of  the  crushing  despot- 
isms of  the  Romanoffs,  the  Hapsburgs,  and 
the  Hohenzollerns.  Grinding  despotism  and 
savage  brutality  provoke  fierce  outbreaks. 
The  oppressed  often  strike  blindly,  wildly, 
and  madly  to  throw  off  these  shackles.  The 
law  of  action  and  reaction  operates  in  the 
social  sphere  just  as  truly  and  sometimes  as 
remorselessly  as  it  does  in  the  physical. 
Revolution  follows  oppression;  violence  re- 
venges itself  upon  violence.  When  the 
state,  the  church,  and  allied  institutions  are 
known  only  as  instruments  of  oppression  it 
is  not  surprising  that  the  victim  should  cry 
out  for  their  destruction.  The  readiest  and 
most  effectual  way  to  liberty  for  a  people 
who  have  been  in  rehgious,  political,  and 
economic  bondage  is  revolution.  Only  by 
revolution  the  anarchist  thinks;  only  by 
"anarchy,"  only  in  "a  perfect  amorphous 
society,"  can  there  be  "a  complete  manifesta- 
tion  of  unchained   popular   life"   and   the 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         13 

"development  of  liberty,  equality,  and  jus- 
tice." 

The  Principles  of  the  Anarchistic 
Revolution 

Thus  reasoned  Michael  Bakounine,  the 
father  of  Nihilism,  who  with  a  remorseless 
logic  formulated  "The  Principles  of  the 
Revolution"  which  have  been  and  are  now 
being  carried  out  with  a  savage  fanaticism. 
"Admitting  no  other  activity  than  that  of 
destruction,"  he  says,  "we  declare  that  the 
forms  in  which  that  activity  should  express 
itself  may  be  widely  varied:  poison,  poig- 
nard,  running  noose.  The  revolution  sancti- 
fies all  means  without  distinction.  .  .  .  The 
revolutionist  is  a  man  under  a  vow.  He 
ought  to  have  no  personal  interests,  no  busi- 
ness, no  feelings,  no  property.  He  ought 
to  be  entirely  absorbed  in  one  single  interest, 
one  single  thought,  one  single  passion — the 
revolution.  .  .  .  He  despises  and  detests 
existing  morality.  For  him  everything  is 
moral  that  helps  on  the  triumph  of  the  revo- 
lution, everything  is  immoral  and  criminal 
that  hinders  it.  .  .  .  Between  him  and  so- 


14  BOLSHEVISM 

ciety  there  is  war — war  to  the  death.  .  .  . 
Nevertheless,  he  must  hve  in  the  midst  of 
society,  feigning  to  be  what  he  is  not.  He 
must  penetrate  everywhere,  among  the 
upper  classes  as  well  as  among  the  middle 
— into  the  merchant's  shop,  into  the  church, 
into  the  government  offices,  into  the  army, 
into  the  literary  world,  into  the  detective 
force,  and  even  the  imperial  palace.  .  .  .  To 
attain  to  'pan  destruction'  the  first  requisite 
is  a  series  of  outrages  and  of  audacious  and 
mad  enterprises,  striking  terror  into  the 
powerful  and  arousing  the  people  till  they 
believe  in  the  triumph  of  the  revolution" 
(Principles  of  Revolution.  Revolutionary 
Catechism). 

Anarchy  Suicidal 

Such  an  infernal  program  is  as  indefensi- 
ble as  the  tyranny  from  which  deliverance 
is  sought.  If  carried  out  to  its  inevitable 
bloody  catastrophe,  it  would  erect  upon  the 
ruins  of  civilization  "an  inverted  Czarism" 
which  would  be  far  more  tyrannical  and 
base  than  any  the  world  has  ever  known. 
The  destruction  of  religion  and  "all  exist- 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         15 

ing  morality,"  the  overthrow  of  the  ethical 
institutions  which  the  goodness  and  wis- 
dom of  humanity  have  been  preparing 
through  the  ages,  would  degrade  society 
into  a  menagerie  of  wild  beasts.  The  sweep- 
ing condemnation  of  "all  government  by 
man  as  oppressive,"  as  Proudhon  declared, 
and  the  conception  of  the  state  as  necessarily 
external  and  hostile  to  man,  overlooks  the 
fact  that  the  state  rose  out  of  disorder  and 
violence.  With  all  its  imperfections  it  has 
rendered  man  an  immense  service  as  a  means 
of  protection  and  development.  The  an- 
archist's conception  of  society  without  gov- 
ernment, "its  harmony  being  obtained  not  by 
submission  to  law  or  by  obedience  to  any 
authority  but  by  free  agreements,"  is  with- 
out any  warrant  in  history  or  reason.  The 
"State  of  Nature"  in  which  man  was  free, 
in  full  possession  of  his  natural  rights,  is  an 
assumption :  it  never  existed  save  in  the  mind 
of  Utopian  dreamers.  Even  in  the  simplest 
and  most  primitive  conditions  there  were 
restraints  upon  freedom.  Brutal  passions 
were  constantly  bursting  forth  into  deeds 
of  violence;  there  were  collisions  of  individ- 


16  BOLSHEVISM 

ual  and  tribal  interests  which  made  the  crea- 
tion of  the  state  imperative.  While  the  st-ate 
primarily  was  based  upon  force  and  has  been 
maintained  partly  by  force,  it  has  also  been 
in  some  degree  the  expression  of  the  will  of 
the  community  and  the  work  of  the  moral 
order  of  humanity.  As  civilization  advances 
the  state  conforms  more  and  more  to  the 
pressure  of  the  moral  order;  it  becomes  a 
social  organism,  growing  with  the  growth 
of  humanity  and  perpetually  ministering  to 
its  needs. 

Deodorized  Anarchism 

There  is  a  deodorized  form  of  anarchism 
which  makes  its  appeal  "from  the  might  of 
rulers  to  the  sense  of  right  in  the  individual ; 
from  the  coercion  of  the  state  to  the  con- 
science of  the  citizen;  from  the  law  that  is 
penally  enforced  to  the  law  that  is  volun- 
tarily accepted."  It  makes  a  distinction 
"between  society  and  the  state — between 
voluntary  groups  of  human  beings  united 
by  cooperation  for  the  promotion  of  com- 
mon interests,  and  the  organized  state  with 
its  agencies  for  compelling  individuals  to 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         17 

live  according  to  certain  rules  whether  they 
approve  of  them  or  not."  That  great  move- 
ment known  as  Individualism  is  a  part  of 
such  social  revolt;  and  conspicuous  leaders 
like  Shelley,  Emerson,  Ibsen,  Tolstoy,  and 
others  have  lent  their  genius  to  such  appeals 
and  distinctions. 

The  True  Conception  of  the  State 

Even  Individualism,  however,  is  a  partial 
philosophy,  and  has  broken  down  in  prac- 
tice. When  it  is  without  moral  or  spiritual 
polarity,  without  any  higher  sanction  than 
individual  choice,  or  any  rule  of  action  other 
than  self  interest,  it  is  just  as  truly  destruc- 
tive of  society  as  the  fiercer  anarchism.  The 
strength  of  anarchism  is  in  its  protest  against 
Machiavellianism;  it  has  little  force  against 
the  true  conception  of  the  state  as  prac- 
tically identified  with  humanity  and  bound 
up  in  the  moral  order  of  the  world.  "The 
human  state,"  as  Von  Hiigel  says,  "is  based, 
if  not  upon  brotherly  love,  yet  neither  upon 
force,  but  upon  consent — the  seeking  and 
finding  of  some  inchoate  justice  and  interde- 
pendence, with  force  as  its  aid  and  sanction. 


18  BOLSHEVISM 

The  state  can  and  does  have  an  end,  a  re- 
sponsibihty,  a  repentance,  while  aHve  in  its 
connection  with  human  beings.  It  is  under- 
standable, judgeable,  improvable,  indeed 
tolerable,  only  when  thus  apprehended  and 
operative  in  its  true  nature,  not  as  a  ruth- 
less machine,  but  as  essentially  human, 
springing  from  man,  leading  to  man — man 
who  is  man  only,  everywhere  only  as  a  crea- 
ture of  flesh  and  of  spirit,  of  force  and  of 
justice,  and  even  of  love"  (Von  Hiigel,  The 
German  Soul,  pp.  65,  66). 

The  state  is  a  divine  institution  just  as 
truly  as  the  church.    As  Shakespeare  says: 

"There  is  a  mystery — with  whom  relation 
Durst  never  meddle — in  the  soul  of  state, 
Which  hath  an  operation  more  divine 
Than  breath  or  pen  can  give  expression  to." 

It  is  this  "mystery,"  this  Unseen  Presence 
and  Informing  Spirit,  which  gives  a  nation 
a  character,  makes  it  a  part  of  the  moral 
order,  and  thus  disciplines  the  race  to  noble 
service.  When  this  Divine  Spirit  is 
quenched  the  nation  loses  its  sanctity  and 
unity ;  it  becomes  an  aggregation  of  warring 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         19 

interests  which  seek  to  estabhsh  their  preda- 
tory rule. 

Revolution  and  Evolution 

Froude,  in  his  Short  Studies  upon  Great 
Subjects,  makes  this  wise  observation:  "In 
every  country  there  exist  two  parties:  that 
which  wishes  to  conserve  what  is,  or  even  to 
reestabhsh  what  has  been;  and  that  which 
seeks  to  reform  and  sometimes  in  its  im- 
patience to  destroy  everything.  Just  as  the 
motion  of  the  earth  is  the  resultant  of  centri- 
petal and  centrifugal  forces,  so  society 
moves  on  under  the  combined  action  of  the 
spirit  of  conservation  and  the  spirit  of  re- 
form. Try  to  suppress  them,  and  you  pro- 
voke alternately  revolution  and  reactions. 
Give  them  free  play,  and  progress  will  be 
fulfilled  by  means  of  a  series  of  compromises 
and  reforms,  as  in  England,  Belgium,  and 
Switzerland." 

As  Froude  intimates,  there  are  in  the 
party  of  reform  these  two  main  tendencies 
— revolution  by  violence  and  evolution  by 
peaceful  and  political  methods.  The  line  of 
cleavage  has  not  always  been  maintained. 


20  BOLSHEVISM 

Revolutionists  and  reformers  have  sometimes 
bitterly  opposed  each  other;  at  other  times 
both  have  become  opportunists  and  worked 
together  for  a  common  end,  the  transforma- 
tion of  society  by  means  of  the  class  strug- 
gle. Karl  Marx  based  his  philosophy  upon 
social  antagonisms  as  the  great  outstanding 
fact  of  history.  "Freedman  and  slave,"  he 
vi^rites,  "patrician  and  plebeian,  lord  and 
serf,  guild  master  and  journeyman — in  a 
word,  oppressor  and  oppressed — stood  in 
constant  opposition  to  one  another,  carried 
on  an  uninterrupted,  now  hidden,  now  open 
fight,  a  fight  that  each  time  ended  in  a  revo- 
lutionary reconstruction  of  society  at  large, 
or  in  the  common  ruin  of  the  contending 
classes." 

Marx — Bakounine — Hertzen 

This  fact  of  inevitable  class  struggle,  when 
promulgated  by  Marx  as  a  doctrine,  was  re- 
garded as  revolutionary  and  was  a  slogan 
with  his  followers.  But  Marx  was  a  scholar 
and  combined  the  spirit  of  a  social  phi- 
losopher with  that  of  a  revolutionist.  He 
reasoned  that  "at  a  certain  stage  of  develop- 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         21 

ment  capitalism  brings  forth  the  agencies  for 
its  own  dissolution."  There  is  "a  transforma- 
tion of  individual  means  of  production  into 
concentrated  ones,  of  the  pygmy  property 
of  the  many  into  the  huge  property  of  the 
few,  the  expropriation  of  the  great  mass  of 
people  from  the  soil  and  the  means  of  pro- 
duction. The  number  of  capitalists  de- 
creases, but  the  number  of  the  proletariat 
increases,  organizes  against  their  oppressors, 
and  substitutes  a  socialized  system  of  pro- 
duction for  capitalism." 

Marx  broke  with  Bakounine,  the  great 
Nihilist,  on  account  of  his  violent  methods 
and  expelled  him  from  the  International. 
This  produced  a  schism  in  the  forces  of 
social  revolt,  which  has  continued  until  this 
day.  The  followers  of  Marx  have  in  the 
main  been  mindful  of  the  dictum  of  Engels, 
his  associate  and  collaborator,  that  "appeals 
to  violence  tend  to  obscure  the  real  develop- 
ment of  things."  Hertzen,  who  with 
Bakounine  believed  in  the  formula,  "The 
spirit  of  destruction  is  the  spirit  of  recon- 
struction," later  renounced  revolutionary 
methods  and  bent  his  energies  to  change 


22  BOLSHEVISM 

men's  sentiments.  Largely  by  his  writings 
many  reforms,  social  and  political,  were  ac- 
complished in  Russia.  His  last  letter  to 
Bakounine  is  full  of  warning  and  wisdom, 
which  advocates  of  violence  may  well  heed: 
"We  dash  forward  following  the  unknown 
God  of  Destruction,  and  we  stumble  over 
broken  treasures,  rolling  confusedly  amid 
the  ashes  and  ruins  of  all  things.  But  even 
when  the  powder  shall  have  blown  up  the 
bourgeois  world,  after  the  smoke  shall  have 
cleared  away  and  the  ashes  shall  have  been 
removed,  the  world  will  appear  again,  modi- 
fied perhaps,  but  still  bourgeois.  And  why? 
Because  we  are  not  ready;  because  neither 
the  constructive  mind  nor  the  new  organiza- 
tion is  sufficiently  prepared." 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         23 

CHAPTER  II 
BOLSHEVISM  AND  KINDRED 

Bolshevism  the  Caliban  of  Politics 

Bolshevism  has  been  termed  the  "Cali- 
ban of  Pohtics."  It  is  a  queer  compound, 
hke  that  strange  creature,  which  Shake- 
speare describes  in  the  Tempest  as  "servant- 
monster,  half  man,  half  beast,  plain  fish,  and 
no  doubt  marketable."  That  "servant- 
monster,"  coming  into  contact  with 
Stephano  and  Trinculo,  the  dregs  of  civiliza- 
tion, and  drunk  with  "their  glorious  liquor," 
becomes  fired  with  a  sudden  passion  for 
freedom;  he  shifts  masters  and  conspires 
against  Prospero,  who  seeks  to  establish  law 
and  order  on  that  imaginary  island.  Bol- 
shevism is  anarchism,  socialism,  and  democ- 
racy— Czarism  in  a  depraved  form,  and 
"marketable."  It  carried  out  the  nefarious 
schemes  of  Germany  as  Caliban  did  the  dirty 
work  for  his  criminal  masters.  It  is  as  far 
below  anarchistic  idealism  as  Caliban  was 


24  BOLSHEVISM 

below  the  honest  Gonzago,  who  dreamed  of 
a  Utopia  in  which  there  would  be 

"...  no  name  of  magistrate;   .   .   . 
.   .   .   riches,  poverty, 

And  use  of  service,  none;  contract,  succession. 
Bourn,  bound  of  land,  tilth,  vineyard  none ; 

No  sovereignty."^ 

Bolshevism  and  Socialism 

No  severer  condemnations  of  Bolshevism 
have  been  made  than  by  Socialists  and  Labor 
leaders.  Those  of  the  right  wing  at  least 
have  always  opposed  the  use  of  violent  meth- 
ods in  carrying  out  their  social  program. 
Morris  Hillquit,  reaffirming  the  great  prin- 
ciple of  Engel's  that  "appeals  to  violence 
tend  to  obscure  the  real  development  of 
things,"  declares  that  whenever  any  group 
or  section  of  labor  movement  has  embarked 
upon  a  policy  of  breaking  the  law  or  using 
"any  weapons  which  will  win  the  fight." 
whether  such  policy  be  styled  "terrorism," 
"propaganda  of  the  deed,"  "direct  action," 
"sabotage,"  or  anarchism,  it  has  invariably 

'  The  Tempest,  Act  II,  Scene  1. 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         25 

served  to  demoralize  and  destroy  the  move- 
ment, by  attracting  to  it  professional  crimi- 
nals, leading  the  workers  to  needless  and 
senseless  slaughter,  and  ultimately  engender- 
ing a  spirit  of  disgust  and  reaction.  It  was 
this  advocacy  of  law  breaking  which  Marx 
and  Engels  fought  so  severely  in  the  Inter- 
national and  which  finally  led  to  the  disrup- 
tion of  the  first  great  international  parlia- 
ment of  labor,  and  the  Socialist  party  of 
every  country  in  the  civilized  world  has  since 
uniformly  and  emphatically  rejected  that 
policy."^ 

Samuel  Gompers,  in  a  recent  strike,  while 
attacking  industrial  autocrats,  opposed  all 
Bolshevist  methods:  "All  of  you  who  know 
me  or  know  of  my  attitude  in  regard  to 
labor  conditions  know  my  absolute  opposi- 
tion to  Bolshevism  in  theory  and  to  Bolshe- 
vism in  fact.  ...  In  theory  Bolshevism  is  an 
impossibility.  In  fact,  if  it  were  put  into 
operation,  or  could  be  put  into  operation, 
it  would  mean  the  decadence  or  perversion 
of  the  civilization  of  our  time.  To  me  the 
story  of  the  desperate  Samson  who  pulled 

'New  York  Call,  November  20,  1911. 


26  BOLSHEVISM 

the  temple  down  on  his  head,  is  an  example 
of  what  is  meant  by  Bolshevism.  I  am  not 
willing  that  all  the  genius  of  past  ages  should 
be  flung  to  the  winds.  And  I  am  not  willing 
that  the  little  service  that  I  may  have  been 
able  to  render  during  the  long  years  that  I 
have  attempted  to  improve  conditions  in  a 
constructive  way  should  be  destroyed  by 
maddened  desperation.  And  so  I  may  say 
to  you  that  it  is  well  for  us  to  see  now  that 
our  own  house  is  kept  in  order." 

Bolshevism  and  Revolutions  for 
Liberty 

The  Bolshevist  conspiracy  in  Russia  is 
radically  different  from  the  democratic  revo- 
lutions in  England,  France,  and  America. 
Instead  of  supporting  the  nascent  political 
democracy  it  has  strangled  freedom  by 
means  of  the  army  corrupted  by  German 
gold  as  ruthlessly  as  Czarism  ever  did.  It 
is  Czarism  in  a  depraved  form  and  has  put 
in  the  place  of  the  old  regime  the  dictatorship 
of  the  proletariat,  without  any  of  the  sanc- 
tions or  safeguards  which  mitigated  in  some 
degree    the    old    intolerable    tyranny.      As 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         27 

Lenin  unblushingly  said  in  April,  1918: 
"Just  as  150,000  lordly  landowners  under 
Czarism  dominated  the  130,000,000  of  Rus- 
sian peasants,  so  200,000  of  the  Bolshevik 
party  are  imposing  their  proletarian  will 
upon  the  mass,  but  this  time  in  the  interest 
of  the  latter."  Lenin  insists  upon  dictator- 
ship, political  and  industrial,  upon  military 
conscription  and  the  suppression  of  the 
press.  "We  are  going,"  he  says,  "to  smite 
the  journals  with  fines  and  shut  them  up, 
to  arrest  the  editors  and  hold  them  as  hos- 
tages." 

The  only  resemblance  between  Bolshevism 
and  the  revolutions  for  popular  liberty  is  in 
the  red  froth  of  terror  which  neutralized 
their  good  effects.  Lenin,  however,  in  his 
incendiary  appeal  to  American  working  men 
thus  justifies  his  murderous  policy:  "Have 
the  EngHsh  forgotten  their  1649,  the  French 
their  1793?  Terror  was  just  and  justified 
when  it  was  employed  by  the  bourgeoisie 
for  its  own  purposes  against  feudal  domina- 
tion, but  terror  becomes  criminal  when 
workingmen  and  poverty-stricken  peasants 
dare    to    use    it    against    the    bourgeoisie. 


28  BOLSHEVISM 

Terror  was  just  and  justified  when  it  was 
used  to  put  one  exploiting  minority  in  place 
of  another,  but  terror  becomes  horrible  and 
criminal  when  used  to  abolish  all  exploiting 
minorities,  when  employed  in  the  cause  of 
actual  majority  in  the  cause  of  proletariat 
and  semiproletariat ;  of  working  class  and 
poor  peasantry.  The  bourgeoisie  of  inter- 
national imperialism  has  succeeded  in 
slaughtering  ten  millions,  in  crippling 
twenty  millions  in  its  war.  Should  our  war, 
the  war  of  the  oppressed  and  exploited, 
against  oppressors  and  exploiters,  cost  a  half 
or  a  whole  million  victims  in  all  countries, 
the  bourgeoisie  would  still  maintain  that 
victims  of  the  world  war  died  a  righteous 
death  and  those  of  the  civil  war  were  sacri- 
ficed for  a  criminal  cause." 

It  would  be  diflScult  to  pack  into  so  few 
sentences  such  gross  perversions  of  historic 
facts  and  absurd  reasoning.  The  English 
revolution  of  1649  resulted  in  the  public 
execution  of  Charles  I,  than  whom  Charles 
James  Fox  said  a  hundred  and  fifty  years 
afterwards,  "It  is  not  easy  to  imagine  a 
greater  criminal,  .  .  .  for  Charles,  to  a  de- 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         29 

gree  which  can  scarcely  be  exceeded,  con- 
spired against  the  hberty  of  his  country." 
Associated  with  that  execution  for  high  trea- 
son, and  justifying  it,  are  the  great  names 
of  Algernon  Sidney  and  Oliver  Cromwell, 
who  organized  the  most  salutary  and  endur- 
ing democratic  movement  of  modern  times. 
Parliamentary  government,  equality  of 
rights,  equity  and  law — reforms  so  essential 
to  human  welfare — received  a  tremendous 
impulse  and  were  established  without  any 
such  usurpations  and  atrocities  as  those  of 
which  the  Bolsheviki  have  been  guilty. 

There  is  a  striking  parallel  between  the 
French  Revolution  of  1793  and  the  Russian 
Revolution,  not  in  its  first  inception,  but 
after  it  came  under  the  control  of  the  Bol- 
sheviki. The  arbitrary  rule  of  a  revolution- 
ary committee,  the  Reign  of  Terror — the  in- 
discriminate slaughter  and  confiscation;  the 
horrible  irreligion  and  immorality — all  these 
excesses  of  the  frenzied  French  revolution- 
ists have  been  repeated  by  the  Bolsheviki. 
But  these  crimes  have  never  been  justified 
by  the  French,  but  reprobated  by  them  and 
by  the  world.     Such  horrors  are  an  awful 


30  BOLSHEVISM 

warning  of  the  retribution  which  is  sure  to 
overwhehn  the  Bolsheviki,  even  if  their  cause 
were  much  better  than  it  is. 

A  dictatorship  of  the  proletariat,  which 
scraps  the  time-honored  checks  of  besotted 
power  and  destroys  the  safeguards  of  per- 
sonal liberty,  has  always  been  such  an  in- 
tolerable tyranny  that  the  masses  have  risen 
against  it  and  been  content  afterward  for 
a  time  to  bow  their  necks  to  the  yoke  of 
their  old  oppressors. 

Bolshevism  Breaking  Down 

Lenin  has  discovered  that  neither  Bol- 
shevism nor  its  kindred  forms  of  social 
radicalism  can  provide  food  for  a  starving 
people.  He  won  over  a  part  of  the  peasants 
by  appealing  to  one  of  their  strongest  pas- 
sions, land-hunger,  and  incited  them  to  acts 
of  spoliation.  They  took  the  land  from  the 
rightful  owners  and  divided  it  among  them- 
selves. But  neither  Lenin  nor  Trotzky  in- 
tended that  the  land  was  to  be  privately 
owned;  it  was  to  be  socialized  and  the  peas- 
ants were  to  work  it  under  severe  discipline. 
The  peasants  are  becoming  disillusionized. 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         31 

There  have  been  frequent  uprisings,  and 
they  are  only  kept  in  check  by  the  army  and 
by  the  fear  of  the  return  of  the  old  oppres- 
sive order.  Some  day  they  will  exclaim  with 
Caliban : 

"What  a  thrice  double  ass 
Was  I  to  take  this  drunkard  for  a  god 
And  worship  this  dull  fool !" 

The  industrial  program  of  Bolshevism  has 
already  broken  down  and  is  facing  the  grim 
facts  of  bankruptcy,  famine,  and  plague. 
Lenin,  though  a  professed  follower  of  Marx, 
is  crying  out  for  the  old  despised  capitalism 
and  for  bourgeois  experts,  offering  them 
high  salaries  to  help  him  bear  his  crushing 
burdens.  "In  every  socialist  revolution," 
he  says,  "the  main  task  of  the  proletariat  and 
the  poorest  peasantry  consists  in  the  posi- 
tive and  constructive  work  of  establishing 
an  extremely  complex  and  dehcate  net  of 
newly  organized  relationships,  covering  the 
systematic  production  and  distribution  of 
products  which  are  necessary  for  the  exist- 
ence of  millions  of  people.  The  possibility 
of  socialism  will  be  determined  by  our  sue- 


32  BOLSHEVISM 

cess  in  combining  Soviet  rule  and  tlie  Soviet 
organization  of  management  with  the  latest 
progressive  measures  of  capitalism." 

Lenin,  however,  does  not  explain  how 
Bolshevism  and  capitalism,  wild  exploita- 
tion, and  the  economic  system  evolved 
through  generations  can  ever  be  combined, 
much  less  work  together. 

Bolshevism  a  Plague 

Bolshevism  spreads  like  a  plague;  it  is 
even  more  destructive  and  deadly,  for  it 
destroys  the  soul.  It  is  propagated,  not  by 
microbes,  which  can  be  killed  by  disinfec- 
tants, but  by  ideas  and  lies  that  inflame  the 
imagination,  poison  the  thought,  and  cor- 
rupt the  morals  of  a  people.  In  Russia  it 
has  already  broken  down  the  red  corpuscles 
of  social  health,  honor,  faith,  loyalty,  free- 
dom, and  produced  a  moral  lassitude  and 
brooding  melancholy,  which  makes  the  peo- 
ple easy  victims  of  their  new  oppressors. 
Lenin  says: 

"In  order  to  spread  our  ideas  and  our  in- 
fluence to  the  Allied  countries  we  need  not 
wage  open  war  against  them  nor  invade  their 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         33 

territories;  the  very  existence  of  a  Soviet 
Republic  in  Russia,  based  on  dictatorship  of 
the  proletariat,  will  serve  as  an  example 
prompting  emulation  as  a  clarion  call  to 
arms.  .  .  . 

"Capitahsm  carries  on  a  more  effective 
propaganda  for  us  among  the  masses  than 
we  ourselves  could  even  hope  to  achieve  by 
our  own  efforts.  The  international  prof- 
iteer is  our  best  propagandist.  It  is  true 
we  owe  much  to  war,  but  I  do  not  fear  peace, 
for  the  incurable  avidity  and  corruption  of 
the  capitalist  classes  will  survive  it  and 
paralyze  its  healing  effects.  The  cost  of  liv- 
ing instead  of  diminishing  is  still  increasing 
steadily  in  most  countries.  The  lust  of  gain 
of  international  exploiters,  bourgeois  finan- 
ciers, manufacturers,  and  tradesmen  is  still 
unslaked,  and  they  are  conspiring  to  prevent 
return  of  normal  conditions,  totally  uncon- 
scious of  the  fact  that  they  are  preparing 
their  own  destruction." 

The  idea  of  taking  over  the  wealth  of  so- 
ciety, its  lands,  factories,  mines,  railways, 
etc.,  to  be  the  property  of  the  masses,  and 
immediately  entering  into  possession,  is  one 


34  BOLSHEVISM 

to  conjure  with.  And  never  did  the  lure  of 
expropriation  have  more  power  than  in  these 
tumultuous  times  when  the  old  oppressors 
have  been  overthrown  and  the  crushing 
burdens  of  their  folly  and  wickedness  have 
been  shifted  upon  the  people,  plunging  them 
into  greater  depths  of  misery.  The  state 
and  the  church  have  become  infamous,  in 
Russia  and  in  other  countries.  War  with 
its  ruthless  destruction  of  hfe  and  property 
has  blunted  the  sensibilities  of  many  people 
and  made  them  callous.  Conditions  are 
chaotic;  everything  is  in  a  state  of  flux. 
Plague  and  starvation  stare  many  people 
in  the  face.  Out  of  the  older  order  of  state 
sovereignty  and  capitalism  came  the  great- 
est of  all  wars  with  its  yeasting  horrors :  why 
not,  say  the  Bolsheviks,  have  a  world  revo- 
lution, invert  the  old  order  and  enthrone  an 
industrial  democracy  in  which  the  workers 
shall  rule  ? 

Emerson  said  that  at  Concord  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  American  Revolution  "the 
embattled  farmers  fired  the  shot  that  was 
heard  round  the  world."  But  that  Revolu- 
tion was  a  mere  skirmish  in  comparison  with 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         35 

the  war  which  has  overthrown  four  great 
autocracies  and  precipitated  the  social  up- 
rising which  is  shaking  every  nation  on  the 
face  of  the  earth.  The  tidal  wave  of  Bol- 
shevism in  Russia  with  its  bloody  froth  of 
terrorism  is  rolling  westward.  Political 
crises  and  paroxysms  of  class  hate  are  mak- 
ing European  society  heave  like  a  raging 
sea.  Every  Cabinet  in  Europe  is  fighting 
for  its  life;  parliamentary  government  is 
under  fire;  the  industrial  structure  has  al- 
ready suffered  great  changes;  and  greater 
changes  will  surely  follow.  The  atmosphere 
is  lurid  and  portentous.  It  is  freely  said, 
"Either  a  League  of  Nations  or  chaos."  If 
lawless,  class  selfishness  has  so  broken  down 
the  supports  of  European  governments  that 
they  are  so  weak  as.  this  statement  implies, 
a  League  of  Nations  will  be  a  vain  reliance. 
If  the  nations  in  the  Peace  Conference  are 
not  strong  enough  to  keep  their  own  houses 
in  order,  how  can  they  in  their  collective 
capacity  keep  Europe  in  order?  If  the 
League  be  not  a  moral  evolution  instead  of 
a  mere  compact;  if  it  be  not  a  Federation 
of  that  which  is  best,  and  only  that  which  is 


36  BOLSHEVISM 

best,  in  the  nations,  how  can  it  keep  the  worst 
elements  in  subjection?  The  AlHes  have 
been  strong  enough  to  defeat  organized,  ir- 
responsible power;  are  they  strong  and 
good  enough  to  overcome  the  foes  of  their 
own  households,  those  selfish,  disintegrating 
forces  which  are  already  sapping  their 
strength? 

Bolshevism  and  America 

America,  in  spite  of  herself  and  against 
much  revered  advice,  has  been  drawn  into 
"entanghng  alhances"  with  Europe.  Our 
noble  dead  are  there  and  bind  us  to  the  serv- 
ice of  whatever  vitally  concerns  humanity, 
though  not  to  interfere  with  its  domestic 
quarrels.  Humanity's  enemies  are  our  ene- 
mies. Europe  is  with  us,  bone  of  our  bone, 
blood  of  our  blood,  soul  of  our  soul.  Its 
enemies  are  here.  Fourteen  millions  of  for- 
eign-born citizens  are  domiciled  among  us. 
Some  of  these  have  contributed  immensely 
to  our  growth  and  strength.  They  have 
helped  us  win  this  war.  Others  are  still 
aliens  in  every  respect;  they  speak  no  other 
language  than  their  own,  read  no  other  news- 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         37 

papers.  Some  have  taken  the  Delbiick  oath 
of  fealty  to  a  foreign  power  and  were  ac- 
tively hostile  to  us  in  the  war.  Three  mil- 
lion eases  of  persons  suspected  of  treason- 
able practices  have  been  investigated  by  the 
United  States  government.  There  were 
many  convictions  of  conspiracy.  But  only 
a  very  few  were  deported.  Of  the  thous- 
ands interned  during  the  war,  many  are  now 
out  on  parole.  The  citizenship  of  only  two 
overt  traitors  has  been  revoked.  Some  two 
million  or  more  less  offensive  traitors  are  in 
our  midst,  who  are  enjoying  the  freedom 
of  the  country  with  the  fullest  opportunity 
to  poison  the  very  currents  of  our  national 
life.  We  have  strenuously  insisted  upon  the 
incorporation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  the 
Covenant  for  the  League  of  Nations,  bar- 
ring any  foreign  power  from  setting  foot 
upon  the  American  continent,  but  have 
freely  admitted  red-handed  Anarchists  who 
are  now  conspiring  to  overthrow  our  repub- 
lic and  establish  Bolshevism  upon  the  ruins 
of  democracy. 

America  has  a  peculiar  and  intimate  rela- 
tion  with    the    Bolshevist   movement.      It 


38  BOLSHEVISM 

started  on  the  East  Side,  in  New  York,  a 
city  in  which  government  is  as  mild  as  was 
ever  known,  and  where  the  people  enjoy  a 
perilous  degree  of  freedom.  There  is  free- 
dom of  assembly  and  discussion  for  Bolshe- 
vism and  all  isms,  however  foolish  or  dan- 
gerous, provided  no  crimes  are  committed 
ag-ainst  the  freedom  of  others.  Five  hun- 
dred  speakers  are  engaged  in  the  propa- 
ganda of  Bolshevism  and  fifteen  thousand 
persons  are  actively  spreading  it.  Several 
hundred  thousand  dollars  have  been  received 
from  the  Bolsheviki  in  Russia  to  promote  the 
cause  of  the  Reds. 

Bolshevism  has  its  creed,  its  catechism, 
and  carries  on  systematic  courses  of  instruc- 
tion. At  its  meetings  this  doxology  is  sung 
as  lustily  as  the  Marseillaise  by  the  French : 

"All  hail  to  the  Bolsheviki ! 

We  will  fight  for  our  class  and  be  free. 
A  Kaiser,  King  or  Czar,  no  matter  what  you  are. 

You've  nothing  of  interest  to  me; 
If  you  don't  like  the  red  flag  of  Russia, 

If  you  don't  like  the  spirit  so  true. 
Then  just  be  like  the  cur  in  the  story 

And  lick  the  hand  that's  robbing  you." 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         39 

There  are  similar  groups  of  Reds  all  over 
the  country.  A  New  York  State  senator, 
who  is  a  member  of  the  Joint  Legislative 
Committee  to  investigate  Bolshevism,  de- 
clares "that  there  is  a  thoroughly  organized 
plan  worked  out  by  the  Russian  Bolsheviki 
to  seize  the  reins  of  government  in  this  coun- 
try. And  the  heart  and  brains  of  the  Red 
Terror  is  right  here  in  New  York  city." 

BouDoiE  Bolsheviki 

The  Bolsheviki  of  New  York  city  are  not 
by  any  means  confined  to  the  underworld, 
although  from  time  immemorial  every  move- 
ment that  promoted  revolution  has  swept 
along  with  it  large  numbers  of  the  prole- 
tariat and  criminal  classes.  The  Board  of 
Investigation  has  facts  in  its  possession  im- 
plicating possessors  of  independent  income, 
parlor  radicals,  and  social  faddists.  There 
are  many  persons  who  are  more  or  less  in 
sympathy  with  the  movement  that  talk  and 
write  on  this  wise:  "I  am  not  a  believer  in 
Bolshevism,  but" — then  follow  remarks, 
partly  disapproving  and  partly  justifying, 
with  wild  assertions  concerning  the  slavery 


40  BOLSHEVISM 

of  the  masses  and  the  necessity  of  indus- 
trial revolution.  Anarchistic  philosophy  is 
taught  under  the  guise  of  the  "Psychology 
of  the  Emotions."  The  higher  and  the 
lower  instincts  are  put  on  the  same  plane; 
neither  is  to  be  suppressed,  not  even  if  im- 
moral. Freedom  from  all  authority,  divine 
and  human,  is  the  ideal  good;  and  to  attain 
this  we  must  "be  prepared — to  seem  un- 
patriotic, un-American,  unreligious,  and  un- 
moral." Lectures  along  this  nefarious  line 
are  given  in  a  certain  school  whose  aims  are 
defined  as  "a  new  trend  in  social  uplift." 
It  has  been  aptly  suggested  that  a  better 
name  for  this  school  would  be  "The  School 
of  Breaking  Things  Up  without  Building 
Them  Up." 

Members  of  the  Legislative  Committee 
have  information  showing  that  "one  wing  of 
the  Socialist  party,  the  I.  W.  W.'s,  and  the 
Bolsheviki  of  New  York  city  aim  to  over- 
throw the  government."  There  seems  to  be 
"a  well-concerted  plan  on  the  part  of  the 
Reds  to  oust  Samuel  Gompers  and  other 
prominent  labor  leaders  from  the  trades 
union  movement  and  place  revolutionaries  in 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         41 

control."  With  the  control  of  the  labor 
unions  and  the  support  of  millions  of  dis- 
contented workmen;  with  the  stoppage  of 
supplies  for  the  community  the  Bolsheviki 
would  secure  a  strangle  hold  upon  society. 

Bolshevism  and  Labor 

Although  Socialists  and  labor-union  lead- 
ers have  denounced  Bolshevism,  the  left 
wing  of  the  Socialist  party  and  members  of 
unions  have  been  turning  to  revolutionary 
methods  and  deeds  of  violence.  They  have 
been  actively  lining  up,  as  one  organization 
says,  "with  the  revolutionary  proletariat  the 
world  over  as  at  present  represented  by  the 
policies  and  tactics  of  the  communistic  party 
of  Russia  (Bolsheviki),  the  communistic 
labor  party  of  Germany  (Spartacans)." 
Rebellion  of  workingmen  against  their  own 
trades-union  officials  is  increasing,  and 
agreements  between  employers  and  em- 
ployed have  been  broken  by  the  latter  in 
spite  of  the  protests  of  their  own  representa- 
tives. 

Labor  was  never  so  prosperous  as  now; 


42  BOLSHEVISM 

it  is  better  paid,  works  fewer  hours,  and  in 
more  favorable  conditions.  Its  right  to 
organize  and  strike  is  generally  recognized; 
the  principle  of  collective  bargaining  is 
widely  accepted.  Its  contention  for  recog- 
nition in  the  conduct  of  industry  and  a  larger 
share  in  a  common  product  is  winning  in- 
creasing support  and  has  been  granted  in 
many  places.  But  there  is  still  much  resent- 
ment against  the  present  industrial  order 
and  a  growing  impatience  with  mere  reform 
or  with  anything  short  of  revolution. 
Among  the  I.  W.  W.  and  the  rebellious 
members  of  the  trades  unions,  in  the  under- 
world of  labor,  revolution  is  raging.  "Direct 
action,"  "sabotage,"  "the  general  strike," 
"the  propaganda  of  the  deed" — the  weapons 
of  the  Syndicalists  are  being  used  with  ter- 
rible effect. 

Syndic  AI.ISM 

Syndicalism  is  trades  unionism  with  a 
soul  of  anarchism.  It  originated  in  France 
when  a  group  of  anarchists  who  were  being 
hunted  by  the  French  government  as  out- 
laws took  refuge  in  trades  unions.     These 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         43 

unions  then  turned  to  "the  general  strike  as 
a  revolutionary  weapon  and  the  only  one  by 
which  capitalism  can  be  destroyed.  At  a 
given  signal  all  members  of  the  trades  unions 
are  to  leave  their  work  and  force  others  to 
do  so.  Production  will  thus  stop;  society 
will  be  compelled  to  submit  to  the  domina- 
tion of  the  workers,  and  a  new  industrialism 
controlled  by  the  unions  will  replace  capital- 
ism. The  government  will  be  in  the  hands 
of  the  workers,  and  the  state  as  we  now 
know  it  will  pass  away." 

Georges  Sorel,  the  Karl  Marx  of  Syn- 
dicalism, was  a  pessunist.  He  believed  that 
society  was  so  evil  that  it  could  not  be  cured 
by  reforms.  Optimism  is  a  delusion  and  a 
snare.  When  the  optimist  is  in  power  he 
forgets  his  mission  to  purge  society  of  its 
evils.  He  becomes  content  with  things  as 
they  are  and  lets  them  take  their  course. 
The  raging  reformer  becomes  a  defender  of 
vested  interests  and  "sleeps  down-pillowed, 
deaf  to  moaning  want."  "Capitahst  society 
is  so  rich,"  writes  Sorel,  "and  the  future 
opens  up  before  it  in  such  rosy  colors,  that 
it  bears  fearful  burdens  without  making  too 


44  BOLSHEVISM 

loud  a  complaint.  ...  A  cowardly  bour- 
geoisie seeks  the  chimera  of  social  peace." 

Syndicalism  and  Makxianism 

Miss  Jane  T.  Stoddart,  in  her  review  of 
Syndicalism,  shows  very  clearly  how  Sorel 
and  Syndicalism  diverged  from  Marxian- 
ism.  "Karl  Marx  believed  that  the  present 
order  of  society  is  destined  to  disappear  in 
a  great  catastrophe.  The  path  of  the  de- 
stroying angel  was,  to  his  mind,  as  myste- 
rious as  that  of  the  secret,  hidden  forces  which 
produce  the  earthquake.  As  a  student  of 
economics,  he  could  only  prophesy  and  wait. 
The  modern  Syndicalist  repudiates  the  mas- 
ter's fatalistic  doctrines.  He  is  not  content 
with  the  thought  that  a  slow  vengeance  is 
gathering  like  a  thunder  cloud  in  some  part 
of  the  heavens.  He  wishes  to  hasten  on  the 
emancipation  of  the  toilers,  and  he  sees  the 
remedy  for  their  sufferings  in  the  general 
strike.  The  leaders  of  the  new  revolution- 
ary party  find  no  pleasure  in  the  dreams  and 
visions  of  constructive  Socialism.  The  so- 
ciahstic  state,  they  say,  would  be  an  aristo- 
cratic, or  a  bureaucratic  government,  pre- 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         45 

cisely  like  the  systems  which  have  preceded 
it."^  The  Syndicalists  are  carrying  the  same 
old  struggle  against  the  Socialists  that  the 
anarchists  did.  In  their  opposition  to  politi- 
cal methods  and  democracy  in  general  and 
their  reliance  upon  force  Syndicalism  and  its 
brother  Bolshevism  are  headed  for  the  same 
fate  which  has  befallen  the  anarchists.  The 
residumn  of  good  sense  in  the  masses  makes 
them  naturally  disinclined  to  be  drawn  into 
the  perils  of  the  general  strike  and  the  desti- 
tution it  would  entail.  They  will  "strike  on 
the  job,"  and  practice  sabotage,  but  they 
will  not  respond  to  the  call  for  an  immediate, 
violent  revolution,  save  under  intolerable 
tyranny  and  in  exceptional  conditions  as  in 
Russia.  Despairing  of  winning  over  the 
majority,  the  Bolshevist  resorts  to  desperate 
acts,  which  alienate  the  more  enlightened 
among  his  followers  and  arouse  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  lovers  of  law  and  order  which 
finally  compasses  his  destruction. 

The  Bolshevists  at  Seattle 
There  have  been  such  desperate  appeals 

^The    New   Socialism,  Janet    Stoddart,  George   H.  Doran 
Company,  Publishers,  p.  199, 


46  BOLSHEVISM 

and  deeds  here  in  America.  At  Seattle, 
when  the  nation  was  putting  forth  its  ener- 
gies to  the  utmost  to  win  the  war,  and  where 
there  was  the  only  adequate  forest  of  spruce 
for  the  making  of  aeroplanes,  a  general 
strike  was  planned,  which  it  was  confidently 
believed  would  precipitate  a  revolution  that 
would  spread  like  Bolshevism  in  Russia. 
The  strike  was  not  engineered  by  the  leaders 
of  the  trades  unions.  The  American  Fed- 
eration and  the  International  Council  had 
opposed  this  plan.  "The  I.  W.  W.  boast 
that  the  Russian  Revolution  was  planned  in 
the  office  of  a  Seattle  lawyer,  counsel  for 
the  organization,  during  the  three  over- 
heated days  when  Lenin  and  Trotzky  tar- 
ried in  the  city's  midst,  en  route  to  Russia, 
and  that  an  American  Revolution  was 
planned  or  at  least  discussed  at  the  same 
time."  However  this  may  or  may  not  be, 
tons  of  Bolshevist  literature  were  distributed 
containing  this  among  other  incendiary  ap- 
peals: "There  is  only  one  way  out — a  nation- 
wide general  strike,  with  its  object  the  over- 
throw of  the  present  rotten  system  which 
produces  thousands  of  milhonaires  and  mil- 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         47 

lions  of  paupers  each  year.  The  Russians 
have  shown  you  the  way  out." 

These  appeals  were  a  part  of  a  powerful 
propaganda  by  imported  agitators,  which 
so  roused  the  animosities  and  blinded  the 
minds  of  the  people  that  against  their  will, 
as  they  have  since  confessed,  one  hundred 
and  ten  Seattle  unions  voted  a  sympathetic 
strike.  For  a  time  silence  reigned.  "Was 
there  going  to  be  violence  ?  And  if  so,  what 
form  would  it  take? — a  peaceful,  though 
universal  strike,  or  a  revolution,  machine 
guns  and  Russia?"^ 

Fortunately,  by  the  prompt,  resolute  ac- 
tion of  Ole  Hansen,  the  mayor,  the  revolu- 
tion was  averted.  The  working  people  who 
had  been  "buncoed"  were  stupefied,  amazed; 
then,  burning  with  righteous  indignation, 
they  convicted  and  put  in  jail  the  conspira- 
tors who  had  imposed  upon  them. 

There  have  been  many  attempts  to  start 
revolutions  in  America  and  so  break  down 
the  social  order.  Anarchists  and  the  vicious 
classes  have  done  their  worst.     There  have 


*"They  made  us  strike,"  Saturday  Evening  Post,  April 
12,  1919. 


48  BOLSHEVISM 

been  times  when  cities  have  been  in  their 
power.  But  whenever  the  sober  common 
sense  of  the  people  has  been  aroused  they 
have  overthrown  their  foes  and  vindicated 
the  strength  of  popular  government.  Our 
institutions  when  sustained  by  a  prevalent 
moral  life  are  invincible  and  have  a  large 
vitality  amid  all  corruptions. 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         49 


CHAPTER  III 

RUSSIA'S  PROBLEM  THE  WORLD 
PROBLEM 

The  war  has  dramatically  demonstrated  \ 
that  humanity  is  one  vast  social  organism,  \ 
and  that   "if  one  member  suffers,   all  the 
members  suffer  with  it."     So  long  as  any 
nation  is  diseased  and  the  arterial  circulation  ) 
of  good  will,  common  interests,  and  goods 
ceases  to  flow  to  and  from  any  other  nation,  ' 
the   organism   does   not   function   well,   its 
health  is  impaired,  and  its  life  endangered. 

Russia  and  the  Commonwealth  of 
Nations 

Scarcely  any  member  of  the  world  com- 
monwealth of  nations  is  more  essential  than 
Russia.  She  covers  one  sixth  of  the  earth, 
includes  within  her  boundaries  one  hundred 
different  peoples  with  a  population  of  more 
than  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions.  In 
normal  times  she  is  one  of  the  greatest  pro- 
ducers of  raw  materials  and  foodstuffs.  The 


50  BOLSHEVISM 

cutting  off  this  supply  is  now  most  severely- 
felt.  Her  contributions  in  literature,  art, 
and  music  have  also  been  of  immense  value. 
The  safety  and  welfare  of  the  world  are 
inevitably  bound  up  with  Russia.  The  head 
cannot  advance  so  long  as  the  feet  are  in 
chains.  Her  tragic  horrors  are  full  of  warn- 
ing. The  sinister  forces  which  are  more  or 
less  hidden  and  camouflaged  in  other  coun- 
tries are  staged  in  Russia  and  shown  in  their 
naked  deformity  and  devilish  ferocity.  The 
conspiracies  which  worked  in  darkness  and 
under  surveillance  elsewhere  swept  on  to 
their  awful  consummation  in  Russia,  with 
little  or  no  check  and  indeed  by  the  active 
support  of  a  treacherous  bureaucracy. 
While  the  Russians  were  fighting  against 
half  of  the  German  army  and  nearly  the 
whole  of  the  Austrian  army  on  a  front  of  a 
thousand  miles,  this  Germanized  bureau- 
cracy was  corrupting  the  Russian  generals 
and  destroying  munitions.  Yet  against  these 
overwhelming  odds  the  Russians  fought  for 
three  years,  and  their  dead  outnumber  those 
of  any  nation  in  the  war.  Potentially  the 
richest  of  nations,  Russia  is  now  financially 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         51 

bankrupt.  Her  industries  are  paralyzed; 
her  currency  has  depreciated  ahnost  beyond 
recovery,  even  under  a  sane  government. 
Other  nations  have  lent  her  vast  sums  and 
are  so  short  of  raw  materials  and  foodstuffs 
that  they  will  be  compelled  to  help  Russia 
rehabilitate  her  industries  and  develop  her 
enormous  resources  to  supply  their  own  and 
the  world's  needs. 

Bolshevism  an  Autocracy  and  a  Uni- 
versal Menace 

Bolshevism  in  Russia  is  a  universal  men- 
ace, like  a  raging  plague  anywhere  in  the 
world.  The  infection  spreads  and  strikes 
nearer  and  nearer  the  heart  of  humanity. 
As  a  theory,  it  is  absurd  and  wicked.  In 
practice,  it  is  like  a  certain  leg  of  mutton 
on  which  Dr.  Johnson  dined,  and  which  he 
declared  to  be  "as  bad  as  bad  could  be;  ill 
fed,  ill  killed,  ill  kept,  and  ill  dressed."  The 
Bolsheviki  betrayed  their  country,  crushed 
the  Russian  Revolution  by  killing  or  driv- 
ing out  of  the  country  its  friends,  compelling 
them  to  seek  safety  in  exile.  Lenin  and 
Trotzky   hated   democracy   and   bent   their 


52  BOLSHEVISM 

energies  to  establish  a  communist  state  under 
their  dictatorship,  which  should  wage  relent- 
less war  upon  all  capitalist  states. 

Bolshevism  has  the  vices  without  the  vir- 
tues of  autocracy.  Its  rule  is  even  more 
absolute  and  ruthless.  According  to  its  con- 
stitution the  following  persons  are  disfran- 
chised: "  (1)  persons  who  employ  hired  labor 
in  order  to  obtain  from  it  an  increase  of 
profits;  (2)  persons  who  have  an  income 
without  doing  any  work;  (3)  private  mer- 
chants, trade  and  conmiercial  brokers;  (4) 
monks  and  clergy  of  all  denominations." 
Thousands  of  persons  belonging  to  these 
classes  have  been  slain  and  an  enormous 
amount  of  property  confiscated  and  de- 
stroyed; agriculture  and  industry  are  pros- 
trate. Religion  and  morals  are  flouted. 
Absolutism  in  its  most  virulent  form  now 
holds  Russia  in  its  grasp  and  without  any 
stable  or  refining  influences.  The  retribu- 
tion which  after  many  years  destroyed  the 
Romanoffs  will  make  short  work  of  the  Bol- 
sheviki  in  accordance  with  that  inexorable 
law  so  significantly  stated  by  Shakespeare  in 
his  play  of  Troilus  and  Cressida: 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         53 

"right  and  wrong  .  .  . 
Should  lose  their  names,  and  so  should  justice  too. 
Then  everything  includes  itself  in  power, 
Power  into  will,  will  into  appetite; 
And  appetite,  an  universal  wolf, 
So  doubly  seconded  with  will  and  power, 
Must  make  perforce  an  universal  prey. 
And  last  eat  up  himself." 

Bolshevism  everywhere  is  following  the 
same  fatal  policy  which  has  always  dug  the 
grave  of  besotted  power.  It  recognizes  no 
higher  law  than  its  own  greed  and  no  re- 
sponsibility other  than  to  itself.  The  collec- 
tive force  of  the  proletariat,  when  despot- 
ically exercised,  is  just  as  tyrannical  and 
subversive  of  social  order  as  the  will  of  an 
absolute  monarch  unless  restrained  by  law 
and  with  due  regard  for  the  welfare  of  the 
social  whole.  Class  warfare,  which  has  been 
so  much  glorified  in  certain  quarters,  and 
which  at  times  has  been  and  is  justifiable 
against  the  usurpations  and  oppressions  of 
capitalism,  is  not  an  unlimited  right  and  may 
be  as  treasonable  to  the  community  as  Ger- 
many's assault  upon  civilization. 

Syndicalism,  for  example,  is  the  applica- 


54  BOLSHEVISM 

tion  to  labor  of  the  Machiavellian  doctrine 
of  the  state  which  has  so  often  drenched 
Europe  in  blood.  In  its  handbook  it  de- 
clares: "When  a  class  issue  of  any  import- 
ance is  raised,  Might  makes  Right  always 
and  everywhere." 

Bolshevism  and  the  Universal  Strike 

The  use  of  the  "universal  strike"  as  the 
weapon  to  paralyze  the  entire  economic  life 
of  a  nation — stopping  the  production  and 
distribution  of  food,  the  running  of  trains, 
the  mining  of  coal,  etc.,  until  the  demands 
of  the  workers  shall  be  met — would,  if  suc- 
cessful, be  far  more  cruel  and  disastrous  than 
anything  MachiavelH  ever  contemplated. 
Nothing  would  be  more  fatal  to  the  cause 
of  labor  and  to  the  laboring  classes.  Kaut- 
sky,  the  eminent  Sociahst,  who  has  written 
so  ably  and  sympathetically  concerning  the 
social  revolution  by  evolutionary  processes, 
condemns  the  universal  strike: 

"We  must  not  forget  that  a  general  strike 
does  not  put  a  stop  only  to  capitalistic  pro- 
duction; while  it  lasts  it  puts  a  stop  to  all 
production. 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         55 

"Now,  it  is  much  more  in  the  interest  of 
the  workers  than  of  the  capitahsts  that  pro- 
duction should  go  on;  for  the  capitahsts  are 
not  only  in  possession  of  the  means  of  pro- 
duction, they  also  have  at  their  disposal  all 
the  great  supplies  of  objects  of  consumption. 
Therefore  they  are  able  to  bear  a  general 
stoppage  of  production  much  more  easily 
than  the  workers  can.  The  workers  are 
completely  powerless  to  starve  them  out" 
(La  Greve  Generale,  p.  224). 

When  a  general  strike  was  imminent  in 
France  and  the  French  working  class,  under 
the  instigation  of  anarchists,  were  tempted 
to  stake  everything  upon  one  mad  rush 
against  the  established  order,  Jaures,  an- 
other great  Socialist,  gave  this  impressive 
warning:  "Toward  this  abyss  .  .  .  the 
proletariat  is  feeling  itself  more  and  more 
drawn,  at  the  risk  not  only  of  ruining  itself 
should  it  fall  over,  but  of  dragging  down 
with  it  for  years  to  come  either  the  wealth  or 
the  security  of  the  national  life.  If  the 
proletarians  take  possession  of  the  mine  and 
the  factory,  it  will  be  a  perfectly  fictitious 
ownership.      They    will    be    embracing    a 


56  BOLSHEVISM 

corpse,  for  the  mines  and  factories  will  be 
no  better  than  dead  bodies  while  economic 
circulation  is  suspended  and  production  is 
stopped.  So  long  as  a  class  does  not  own 
and  govern  the  whole  social  machine,  it  can 
seize  a  few  factories  and  yards,  if  it  wants 
to,  but  it  really  possesses  nothing"  (Quoted 
by  Hunter:  Violence  and  the  Labor  Move- 
ment, p.  270). 

Bolshevism  and  Lawlessness  in  America 

Abraham  Lincoln  foresaw  the  dangers 
that  might  result  to  American  society  from 
lawless  passions.  He  said:  "If  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  American  repubhc  ever  comes, 
it  must  spring  up  about  us,  it  cannot  come 
from  abroad ;  we,  ourselves  will  be  its  author 
and  finisher.  As  a  nation  of  freemen,  we 
must  live  through  all  time  or  die  by  suicide." 
Lincoln  said  that  this  self-destruction  would 
come  if  at  all  from  "this  increasing  disre- 
gard for  law  which  pervades  the  country; 
the  growing  disposition  to  substitute  wild 
and  furious  passions  for  the  sober  judgment 
of  the  courts  and  the  worse  than  savage 
mobs  for  the  executive  ministers  of  justice." 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         57 

Lincoln  uttered  this  warning  in  1837. 
But  lawlessness  has  since  grown  immensely 
among  us.  The  lowest  class  of  immigrant 
labor  has  poured  in  upon  us  like  a  flood,  and 
for  a  time  with  little  or  no  check  or  restric- 
tion. The  I.  W.  W.,  who  were  the  forerun- 
ners of  the  Bolshevists  in  this  country,  came 
with  the  polyglot  crowd,  and  found  in  its 
drifting,  suspicious,  sullen  masses  a  ready 
response  to  incendiary  appeals.  These 
workers  were  oppressed  by  unscrupulous 
employers  and  compelled  to  hve  and  work 
in  disgraceful  conditions.  When  these 
miserable  toilers  in  mill  and  mine  were  told 
that  the  worker  should  use  any  weapon 
which  will  win  his  fight,  "Since  the  present 
laws  of  property  are  made  by  and  for  capi- 
tahsts,  the  workers  should  not  hesitate  to 
break  them,"  it  was  like  scattering  "the 
liquid  fire  of  Jacobinism"  among  the  seeth- 
ing masses  of  the  French  Revolution. 

The  Spoiler  of  Labor 

There  was  nothing  to  counteract  this 
nefarious  propaganda.  No  one  cared  for 
their  souls  or  for  their  bodies.     Even  labor 


58  BOLSHEVISM 

unions  for  a  time  neglected  them  altogether, 
and  even  now  leave  most  of  them  outside 
their  ranks.  It  is  not  sui'prising  that,  goaded 
to  fury  by  their  grinding  conditions  and 
by  unscrupulous  agitators,  they  struck, 
sometimes  blindly  and  madly,  carrying  out 
the  schemes  of  their  leaders,  rather  than 
helping  themselves.  W.  J.  Burns,  who 
brought  the  Maci^amaras  and  other  con- 
spirators to  justice,  says  that  "they  waged 
a  war  of  anarchy  under  the  mask  of  labor." 

It  is  among  these  ignorant,  susceptible, 
misguided  toilers,  who  are  working  the  most 
hours,  doing  the  dirtiest  work  and  in  the 
worst  conditions  for  the  least  pay,  that  Bol- 
shevism is  spreading  like  wildfire.  This 
enemy  of  the  nation  and  spoiler  of  labor 
must  be  fought  by  the  most  drastic  methods. 
But  this  great  mass  of  workers  upon  whom 
the  nation  so  vitally  depends  must  be  reached 
by  a  determined  friendliness  and  such  minis- 
tries as  shall  most  effectively  safeguard  and 
promote  their  physical,  moral,  and  spiritual 
well-being. 

Lynching 

But  lawlessness  and  Bolshevist  practices 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         59 

are  by  no  means  confined  to  the  lower 
classes.  They  are  in  the  upper  stories  of 
society  as  truly  as  in  the  basement.  The 
crime  which  makes  us  most  traduced  by 
other  nations  and  is  our  foulest  blot  is  the 
barbarous  practice  of  lynching.  It  is  prac- 
ticed in  the  older  section  of  the  country, 
where  courts  are  strongly  established,  where 
juries  are  more  than  willing  to  convict  of- 
fenders of  a  hated  race.  Several  victims  of 
mobs  this  last  year  were  burned  and  others 
tortured  before  death.  Only  fourteen  of 
these  were  killed  for  alleged  attacks  on 
women,  and  fifteen  persons  met  death  who 
were  innocent.  These  lynchings  took  place 
while  thousands  of  Negroes  were  fighting 
and  dying  in  Europe  for  their  country  and 
winning  the  admiration  of  the  Allies  for 
their  heroism  and  noble  service.  Little  or 
no  progress  has  been  made  toward  the  pun- 
ishment of  the  lynchers,  which  is  a  damaging 
reflection  upon  the  community.  But  at  this 
writing  there  is  a  National  Conference  in 
session  at  which  there  are  delegates  from  the 
South,  to  take  measures  to  put  an  end  to 
this   monstrous   barbarism,   which,   like   all 


60  BOLSHEVISM 

forms  of  lawlessness,  breaks  down  the  sup- 
ports of  society  and  produces  the  conditions 
in  which  Bolshevism  thrives. 

Frenzied  Finance 

On  the  high  seas  of  "frenzied  finance" 
civiHzed  piracy  for  a  time  flourished  with 
httle  check.  Under  the  leadership  of  men 
of  wealth  and  guided  by  astute  lawyers,  cor- 
porations were  formed  which  got  a  strangle 
hold  upon  the  industries  of  the  country  and 
exacted  a  tribute  from  the  community. 
There  has  been  a  most  effectual  reaction  and 
the  broken  defenses  of  honest  business  have 
been  partially  repaired.  But  the  moral 
damage  has  been  terrible.  Such  colossal  ex- 
amples of  predatory  wealth  in  high  places 
have  lent  a  flattering  unction  to  the  inflam- 
matory appeals  of  anarchists  and  social  agi- 
tators. A  tremendous  impetus  has  been 
given  to  the  will  to  wealth  and  power,  and 
the  determination  to  get  quick,  easy,  big 
money  at  whatever  cost  or  consequences  to 
others.  It  is  a  common  remark  that  it  is 
useless  to  enact  certain  laws  because  they 
cannot  be  enforced;   that   is,  obedience  to 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         61 

laws,  though  passed  by  the  state  and  essen- 
tial to  society,  will  not  be  rendered  and  can- 
not be  compelled.  Evasion  of  law  by  cor- 
porate interests,  and  sabotage  openly  advo- 
cated by  Syndicalists — doing  as  little  work 
and  as  badly  as  possible — are  breaking  down 
the  morale  of  society  just  as  truly  in  Amer- 
ica as  Bolshevism  is  in  Russia. 

The  Sovereignty  of  Law  the  Prime 
Essential 

The  prime  essential  of  Society  is  the 
sovereignty  of  law.  Conflicts  of  classes  and 
interests  are  inevitable.  If  these  are  not 
mediated  and  settled  by  reason,  as  embodied 
in  law,  mob  violence  follows.  Liberty  has 
never  been  achieved  save  by  the  concessions 
of  individuals  and  classes  to  give  up  certain 
privileges  and  even  rights  when  they  in- 
fringed upon  the  liberties  of  others.  Democ- 
racy rests  upon  the  assumption  that  the  peo- 
ple are  intelligent,  reasonable,  and  moral, 
and  that  their  composite  judgment  carries 
with  it  a  compulsion  which  cannot  be  rightly 
evaded  without  impairing  the  integrity  of 


62  BOLSHEVISM 

the  state.  The  verdict  of  the  majority  may 
not  always  be  right,  and,  indeed,  may  be  un- 
just, but,  as  Lincobi  said,  "A  majority  held 
in  restraint  by  constitutional  checks  and 
limitations  and  always  changing  easily  with 
deliberate  changes  of  popular  opinion  and 
sentiment  is  the  only  true  sovereignty  of  a 
people.  Whoever  rejects  it  does  of  neces- 
sity fly  to  anarchy  or  despotism." 

Law  is  something  more  than  a  body  of  in- 
flexible rules  and  regulations.  It  is  the  ex- 
pression of  the  will  of  the  community  and 
is  continually  taking  the  form  and  pressure 
of  that  will.  The  growing  enlightenment 
and  the  ripening  moral  sense  of  a  part  of 
the  community  at  least  are  continually  at 
work  to  make  and  adjust  laws  to  meet  the 
ever-increasing  social  needs.  "Law  is 
mighty,  mightier  still  is  need,"  is  a  current 
maxim  and  one  in  harmony  with  the  growing 
sociological  concept  of  jurisprudence.  The 
gift  of  "conservative  innovation"  is  the  best 
safeguard  against  the  reactionary  tendencies 
which  seek  to  perpetuate  predatory  rights 
and  it  is  also  the  best  means  of  securing  a 
progressive,  ordered  freedom. 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         63 


Liberty  and  Character 

Liberty  depends  far  more  upon  charac- 
ter than  upon  rights  and  privileges  or  upon 
social  conditions.  It  may  be  good  or  evil 
according  to  the  dominant  disposition  of 
those  who  use  it.  Edmund  Burke  in  his 
Reflections  upon  the  French  Revolution, 
and  the  Red  Terror  which  accompanied  it, 
said:  "Men  are  quahfied  for  civil  Hberty  in 
exact  proportion  to  their  disposition  to  put 
chains  upon  their  own  appetites;  in  propor- 
tion as  their  love  of  justice  is  above  their 
rapacity;  in  proportion  as  their  soundness 
and  sobriety  of  understanding  is  above  their 
vanity  and  presumption;  in  proportion  as 
they  are  more  disposed  to  listen  to  the  coun- 
sels of  the  wise  and  good  in  preference  to 
the  flattery  of  knaves.  Society  cannot  exist 
unless  a  controlling  power  upon  will  and 
appetite  he  placed  somewhere,  and  the  less 
there  is  of  it  within,  the  more  there  must 
be  without." 

Humanity  since  the  time  of  Burke  has 
made  much  progress  toward  the  promised 
land  of  liberty  which  he  contemplated.     It 


64  BOLSHEVISM 

has  broken  away  from  some  oppressions;  it 
has  crossed  many  a  Red  Sea  of  revolution, 
but  there  is  still  a  long  journey  before  it 
and  many  enemies  to  be  conquered.  Some 
nations  have  more  freedom  and  are  much  in 
advance  of  others.  But  no  backward  peo- 
ple or  peoples  can  safely  be  left  behind, 
much  less  exploited  or  oppressed.  Such 
peoples  have  often  overturned  society  and 
shifted  "the  balance  of  power."  In  1815  the 
Congress  of  Vienna,  consisting  at  first  of 
Russia,  Austria,  and  Prussia,  formed  a 
Holy  Alliance  to  govern  for  "the  protec- 
tion of  religion,  peace,  and  justice,"  and  "the 
reconstruction  of  the  moral  order."  But  in- 
stead of  establishing  a  new  order  the  Al- 
liance sought  to  strengthen  the  old  absolut- 
ism and  crush  the  rising  forces  of  liberty 
and  nationahty.  But  these  forces  grew  and 
were  reenforced  in  a  most  unexpected  man- 
ner. Napoleon,  needing  money,  sold  to 
America  the  territory  now  known  as  the 
Louisiana  Purchase,  declaring  that  he  had 
thereby  raised  up  a  competitor  to  England. 
But  Canning,  the  English  statesman,  had 
a  truer  vision,  when  in  1823,  speaking  of  the 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         65 

rising  power  of  America,  he  declared  that 
"the  New  World  had  come  in  to  redress  the 
balance  of  the  Old." 

"The  New  World  to  Redress  the  Bal- 
ance OF  THE  Old" 

That  prophecy  has  been  most  signifi- 
cantly fulfilled.  The  example  of  this  great 
and  prosperous  republic  has  given  wonder- 
ful inspiration  and  strength  not  only  to  those 
whom  the  old  absolutism  in  Europe  sought 
to  crush  but  to  oppressed  peoples  every- 
where. In  the  last  one  hundred  years  eighty 
constitutions  incorporating  democratic  prin- 
ciples have  been  adopted.  And  when 
America  came  intO'  this  war  by  the  side  of 
England,  France,  and  Italy,  the  balance 
of  power  so  long  in  the  grasp  of  absolutism 
was  shifted  into  the  hands  of  democracy. 

One  epoch  has  culminated;  another  epoch 
has  begun.  Another  Peace  Congress  has 
assembled  and  a  League  of  Nations  has  been 
formed  to  establish  a  permanent  peace. 
But  what  control  will  this  League  have  over 
the  Central  Powers  and  one  hundred  and 
seventy  millions  of  Slavs?     May  not  they, 


66  BOLSHEVISM 

representing  three  fifths  of  the  population 
of  Europe,  reverse  the  preponderance  of 
power,  now  happily  possessed  by  the  Allies, 
and  keep  Europe  in  perpetual  turmoil? 

The  vital  bond  of  any  Entente  or  League 
is  moral — the  sense  of  right,  which  when 
strong  enough  will  hold  men  and  nations 
together  as  nothing  else  will.  Only  nations 
which  have  a  certain  moral  development  and 
are  homogeneous  in  character  can  work  to- 
gether, no  matter  what  their  legal  agree- 
ments may  be.  Two  hundred  or  more  of 
such  agreements  and  treaties  have  been 
made,  but  many  of  them  have  been  broken 
and  wars  have  been  frequent. 

The  Slavs  and  the  New  World  Order 

Much  good  is  expected  to  come  from  giv- 
ing certain  peoples  the  right  of  self-deter- 
mination, but  democracy  has  never  been  a 
sovereign  remedy  for  certain  ills.  Can  it 
cure  the  millions  who  are  burning  with  the 
fever  of  revolution  and  torn  with  racial 
hatreds  and  class  antagonisms?  Germany, 
whether  outside  or  inside  the  League,  will 
be  a  menace  until  she  experiences  a  radical 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         67 

change  of  spirit  and  character.  What  can 
the  right  of  self-determination  do  for  the 
Slavs  without  certain  moral  and  spiritual 
conserving  forces?  The  Slavs  deserve  sym- 
pathy and  the  best  gifts  of  Western  civiliza- 
tion. Stung  by  cruelty,  beguiled  by  Ger- 
man lies,  betrayed  and  bribed  by  the  Bol- 
sheviki,  the  Slavs  are  striking  madly  and 
blindly  as  the  French  did  in  their  Revolu- 
tion. The  Slavs  have  a  sacrificial  zeal  for 
liberty  which  for  years  has  braved  persecu- 
tion, exile,  and  death.  They  have  a  man 
power  and  resources  which,  if  moralized  and 
spiritualized,  would  enrich  and  bless  man- 
kind immensely,  but  which,  if  left  to  their 
wild  passions  and  mobilized  by  the  Bol- 
sheviki  or  resurgent  Germany,  may  become 
more  terrible  than  the  hordes  that  under 
Ghenkis  Khan  and  Tamerlane  laid  waste 
Europe. 

The  world  is  under  heavy  obligations 
to  the  Slavs.  They  compelled  Germany  to 
fight  on  two  fronts  for  three  years.  They 
have  sacrificed  millions  of  lives  and  billions 
of  wealth.  How  much  we  owe  little  Serbia, 
who  has  earned  the  crown  of  martyrdom  in 


68  BOLSHEVISM 

the  cause  of  the  AUies!  The  Czecho- Slovaks, 
the  countrymen  of  John  Hus,  have  been 
fighting  our  battles  against  the  Bolsheviki! 
There  is  Poland,  also,  the  first  and  the  great- 
est martyr  of  the  nationalist  faith  in  Europe, 
as  France  was  the  first  evangelist.  In  all 
the  republican  uprisings  in  Europe,  and  in 
this  war,  the  scattered  Poles  have  fought 
and  died  to  win  for  other  peoples  the  na- 
tionality which  has  been  denied  them. 

The  Salvation  of  the  Slavs 

The  safety  of  the  world  and  Christendom 
depends  upon  giving  to  the  Slavs  the  saving 
forces  which  have  imparted  to  the  Allied 
nations  whatever  stable  character  they  now 
possess  and  which  they  must  transmit  to 
others  or  lose  their  own  souls.  The  peoples 
of  the  four  big  democracies  were  once  in  the 
stage  where  the  Slavs  are  today.  England, 
after  she  broke  with  her  despotic  King  John 
at  Runnymede,  had  seven  hundred  years  of 
desperate  struggle  before  she  achieved  self- 
government.  If  the  English  people,  when 
they  were  smarting  under  oppression,  had 
followed  Wat  Tyler,  the  Lenin  of  that  day, 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         69 

their  liberties  would  have  been  wrecked. 
But  fortunately  they  were  blessed  with  the 
leadership  of  Wiclif,  Latimer,  Simon  de 
Montfort,  and  their  apostolic  successors  in 
church  and  state,  to  keep  them  from  stum- 
bling and  to  lift  them  up  when  they  did 
stumble.  Our  American  colonies  also  in  that 
most  critical  period  just  after  the  Revolu- 
tion and  in  several  crises  since  would  have 
been  torn  asunder  by  sectional  animosities 
but  for  the  restraining  forces  of  the  Chris- 
tian religion  and  its  regenerating  institu- 
tions. Every  free  people  has  climbed  up 
the  same  bloody,  rugged  road. 

The  Slavs  are  now  on  their  altar  stairs  of 
liberty.  They  are  frantic  with  hunger,  torn 
with  anarchy,  and  encircled  by  Bolshevism 
as  by  a  ring  of  fire.  To  leave  them  to  their 
destruction  would  be  a  crime  against  hu- 
manity and  a  sin  against  God.  That  vast 
Slavic  region  is  the  strategic  center  of  the 
world's  politics  and  of  Christendom.  The 
stability  of  both  depends  upon  the  recon- 
struction and  the  regeneration  of  the  Slavs. 

Germany,  with  her  military  power  broken, 
will  be  all  the  stronger  and  able  to  turn  her 


70  BOLSHEVISM 

entire  energies  toward  economic  aggression. 
Cut  off  from  her  former  sphere  of  com- 
mercial influence,  temporarily  at  least; 
shorn  of  her  colonies;  her  maritime  fleet 
crippled,  there  remains  Russia,  the  second 
wheat-producing  country  in  the  world  and 
with  natural  resources  sufficient  to  make  any 
nation  that  exploits  them  rich  beyond  the 
dreams  of  avarice  and  a  commercial  power 
of  the  first  magnitude.  Russia,  dismem- 
bered, disorganized,  abandoned  to  inter- 
necine strife,  will  be  an  easy  prey  to  Ger- 
many, whose  masterly  genius  for  organiza- 
tion will  find  a  tempting  field  for  unlimited 
exploitation. 

Wherever  Bolshevism  does  not  rule  recon- 
struction is  already  going  on,  notably  among 
the  Czecho-Slovaks  and  Rumanians.  The 
Russian  peasants,  who  form  a  large  part 
of  the  population,  are  almost  wholly  anti- 
Bolshevist.  They  are  incurably  religious. 
The  paralyzing  grasp  of  the  state  church 
has  been  broken;  the  pathetic  reverence  for 
the  "Little  Father"  has  gone,  but  the  sweet 
simpHcity  of  their  faith  in  Jesus,  the  Gali- 
laean  Peasant,  which  led  to  the  conversion 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         71 

of  Tolstoy,  remains.  Upon  this  foundation 
of  Christian  faith,  and  upon  the  Russia  of 
Tolstoy,  Turgenieff,  and  Dostoievsky^  may 
be  built  the  gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones 
of  Christian  character  and  a  Christian  civili- 
zation. 

The  Church  and  God^s  Kingdom  of 
Righteousness 

God's  judgment  fires  are  already  burn- 
ing up  much  "wood,  hay,  and  stubble."  God 
has  more  at  stake  in  eastern  Europe  than 
anyone.  Those  two  hundred  millions  now 
scattered  and  divided — bereft  of  wise  lead- 
ers— sustain  a  vital  relation  to  the  kingdom 
of  God,  transcending  church  and  state  and 
immanent  in  both,  which  has  always  been 
cherished  by  Christendom.  That  ideal  was 
championed  by  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
in  the  Middle  Ages  and  for  a  time  rendered 
an  immense  service  to  humanity.  It  curbed 
violence  and  established  "a  truce  of  God" 
at  a  time  when  "bloody  and  disorderly 
tyranny"  was  as  rampant  as  it  is  now  in 
central  and  eastern  Europe.  Had  that 
church  been  true  to  this  divine  ideal,  to  bind 


72  BOLSHEVISM 

nations  and  peoples  in  obedience  to  and  love 
of  Christ,  the  world  would  have  been  spared 
most  of  its  wars  and  would  need  no  League 
of  Nations  to  keep  the  peace.  But  in  its 
lust  for  temporal  power  the  church  antago- 
nized every  state  it  could  not  rule  and  de- 
nied the  divine  mission  of  the  state.  It 
trampled  upon  the  rights  and  duties  of  the 
state  as  a  part  of  the  moral  order  of  the 
world.    As  a  consequence  the  state  became 

/degraded  into  a  secular  institution,  which 
recognized  no  higher  law  than  its  own  neces- 
sity and  no  power  other  than  military 
force.    It  became  Machiavellian,  save  where 

\the  spiritual  life  in  humanity  established 
free  self-governments. 

On  the  other  hand,  by  this  alienation  of 
the  state  the  church  lost  its  distinctive  char- 
acter and  its  primacy  in  human  affairs. 
Since  then  there  has  been  no  united  Chris- 
tendom and  no  moral  order  of  commanding 
authority  and  power.  Europe  has  been  a 
battle  ground  of  shifting  alliances  and  war- 
ring kingdoms,  vainly  endeavoring  by  force 
to  preserve  a  balance  of  power  and  keep  the 
peace.     But  the  selfishness  of  some  nation 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         73 

or  nations  has  always  tipped  the  balance  in 
their  favor  and  brought  on  war.  Out  of  that 
fateful  separation,  not  so  much  between 
church  and  state  as  between  a  spiritual  king- 
dom and  secular  forces,  backed  by  sinister 
interests,  have  come  this  war  and  the  pres- 
ent international  chaos. 

It  is  a  most  humiliating  fact  that  the 
church,  both  Roman  Catholic  and  Protest- 
ant, has  become  so  subservient  to  encroach- 
ing secularism.  In  Germany  and  Russia  it 
has  given  pious  sanction  to  policies  and  prac- 
tices which  were  born  in  hell.  In  all  coun- 
tries the  church  has  too  often  forgotten  that 
it  has  been  invested  with  the  keys  of  the 
kingdom  of  righteousness  and  commissioned 
to  bind  persons  and  nations  into  a  spiritual 
society  and  loose  them  from  the  lusts  that 
alienate  and  destroy  them.  We  sing,  "Like 
a  mighty  army,  moves  the  Church  of  God." 
This  is  true  of  the  church  invisible,  but  not 
of  the  church  visible.  It  has  no  unified  com- 
mand, no  proper  subordination  of  sectarian 
and  secondary  interests  to  an  overmastering 
purpose  to  carry  forward  the  kingdom  of 
God.    Would  that  the  church  had  the  power 


74  BOLSHEVISM 

to  speak  in  righteousness  with  one  voice  and 
with  that  compulsive  persuasion  which  the 
Holy  Spirit  alone  gives! 

This  is  what  the  nations  and  humanity  in 
general  are  travailing  in  pain  for:  sure 
spiritual  guidance  and  control.  In  a  most 
critical  period  of  the  war,  H.  G.  Wells 
visited  France  and  Italy,  and  met  David 
Lubin,  who  was  at  work  upon  the  very  per- 
plexing problem  of  food  supply  and  distri- 
bution. "Their  conversation  drifted  from 
economic  matters,  from  the  ideas  of  national- 
ism and  faction  and  policy  toward  some- 
thing else  which  is  larger,  which  they  found 
in  the  minds  of  the  people.  'The  people,' 
Mr.  Wells  said,  'are  feeling  their  way  to- 
ward a  bigger  rule.'  'The  rule  of  Right- 
eousness,' said  Mr.  Lubin.  Mr.  Wells  told 
him  that  he  had  been  coming  to  the  idea  of 
the  whole  world  as  one  state  and  community 
and  of  God  as  King  of  that  state. 

"  'But  I  say  that,'  cried  Mr.  Lubin.  'I 
have  put  my  name  to  that.  And  it  is  here/ 
He  seized  an  Old  Testament  that  lay  upon 
the  side  of  the  table  and  rapped  its  cover. 
'It  is  here  in  the  Prophets.'  " 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         75 

"That  talk,"  Mr.  Wells  says,  "was  only 
one  of  a  number  of  talks  about  religion  that 
I  had  had  with  practical  men  who  want  to 
get  the  world  straighter  than  it  is  and  who 
perceive  that  they  must  have  a  leadership 
outside  themselves,"  the  leadership  of  a  God 
of  righteousness  to  establish  a  righteous 
world  order. 


76  BOLSHEVISM 


CHAPTER  IV 

ECONOMIC     FORCES     AND     THE 
SOCIAL  ORDER 

Benjamin  Kidd  in  his  posthumous  book, 
The  Science  of  Power'  (p.  53),  declares  that 
"The  story  of  creation  up  to  and  including 
human  savagery  is  simply  the  story  of  the 
supremacy  in  the  world  of  physical  force 
organized  in  the  life  of  the  efficient  individ- 
ual, or  the  efficient  group,  or  the  efficient 
state.  But  the  story  of  evolution  above 
savagery  is  nothing  else  than  the  story  of 
the  gradual  rise  to  supremacy  in  the  world 
of  those  psychic  forces  organized  in  civiliza- 
tion which  are  subduing  individuals  or  ag- 
gregations of  individuals,  efficient  in  their 
own  interests,  to  those  universal  principles 
which  are  making  for  the  limitless  efficiency 
of  civilization." 

The  Evolution  of  Efficiency 
By  efficiency  is  meant  the  exercise  of  en- 


1  Published  by  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  New  York  City. 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         77 

ergy,  resources,  and  opportunities  to  the 
utmost,  fulfilling  the  law  of  its  being  in  the 
conditions  in  which  it  is  placed.  In  the  climb 
"up  to  and  including  savagery"  physical 
force  is  supreme  and  ruthlessly  exercised  in 
the  exploitation  and  extermination  of  others. 
But  even  in  the  jungle,  and  still  more  in 
human  life,  efficiency  depends  upon  mutual 
aid  and  sacrifice.  "Those  communities  which 
include  the  greatest  number  of  the  most 
sympathetic  members  flourish  the  best," 
Darwin  says.  Those  communities  are  the 
fittest  and  attain  the  highest  development 
of  intellectual  and  bodily  organization.  As 
life  mounts  upward  to  the  higher  levels, 
"though  the  cruder  elements  persist  with 
fatal  and  appalling  vigor,"  the  altruistic  ele- 
ments gain  immensely.  Development  is  car- 
ried forward  by  the  power  of  ideals.  It  is 
advanced  by  a  steadily  growing  sense  of 
right  and  an  ever-enlarging  feeling  of 
responsibility  which  invariably  becomes 
mightier  than  force.  There  are  whole 
regions,  and  daily  enlarging  regions,  where 
"every  animal  feature  is  discredited,  dis- 
couraged, or  driven  away." 


78  BOLSHEVISM 

German  Efficiency  and  Barbarism 

This  greatest  of  all  wars  is  an  incident  in 
the  much  vaster,  far  rjiore  fateful  struggle 
of  evolution  from  savagery.  The  forces  of 
an  animal,  barbarous,  and  pagan  past  have 
warred  against  the  growing  soul  of  civiliza- 
tion. By  a  one-sided,  perverted  application 
of  the  Darwinian  theory  of  the  survival  of 
the  fittest  the  law  of  the  jungle  in  its  cruder 
aspects  has  been  projected  into  human  so- 
ciety. Basing  its  right  to  rule  upon  this 
law  and  buttressed  by  the  Machiavellian 
doctrine  of  the  state,  Germany  has  sought 
to  impose  its  Kultur,  which  is  its  standard 
of  efficiency,  upon  the  rest  of  mankind.  No 
other  nation  has  so  effectually  subordinated 
religion,  philosophy,  and  a  submissive  peo- 
ple to  its  ruthless  designs ;  none  has  so  com- 
pletely crushed  its  idealism  and  spiritual 
life  by  its  idolatry  of  force  and  its  lust  for 
power. 

But,  as  Mr.  Kidd  says:  "The  pagan  doc- 
trine of  force  as  the  supreme  test  of  efficiency 
in  the  world,  which  has  come  out  naked  and 
unabashed    in    modern    Germany,    had    its 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         79 

springs  deep  down  in  the  tendencies  of  the 
intellectual  life  of  every  leading  Western 
nation.  .  .  .  Since  1880  the  Western  na- 
tions entered  on  the  scramble  for  the  world 
outside  of  Europe,  engaging  in  what  has 
been  called  'the  most  rapid  and  vast  career 
of  acquisition  that  the  world  has  witnessed 
since  the  days  of  Islam.'  "^  The  balance  of 
power,  which  ruled  Europe  for  a  hundred 
years,  was  based,  not  upon  reason  or  jus- 
tice, but  upon  force  and  practices  which 
often  outraged  the  moral  sense  of  mankind. 

War  and  Industrial  Conflicts 

Closely  allied  to  this  struggle  between 
nations  for  power  and  territory  was  the 
determination  within  nations  by  individ- 
uals and  groups  to  get  wealth  by  the 
most  effective  methods,  and  often  in  viola- 
tion of  ethical  laws.  In  war  and  in  indus- 
trial conflicts  society  is  nearest  to  the  bar- 
barism from  which  it  has  emerged.  In  these 
spheres  the  predatory  instincts  and  practices 
of  a  lower  stage  survive  in  their  full  vigor. 
The  altruistic  feelings,  the  ethical  and  spirit- 

^The  Science  of  Power,  p.  66,  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons. 


80  BOLSHEVISM 

ual  powers,  however,  are  less  active  and 
when  asserted  are  often  flouted.  They  de- 
rive their  strength,  not  from  a  brute  in- 
heritance, but  from  the  quickening  of  the 
spiritual  nature  by  the  ideals  imparted  by 
a  slowly  ripening  social  consciousness. 

The  system  of  capitalism,  which  domi- 
nates industry,  though  an  immense  advance 
in  efficiency  upon  every  economic  system 
preceding  it  and  in  its  contribution  to  the 
general  material  well-being  of  society,  was 
frankly  based  upon  selfishness.  It  offered 
a  tempting  opportunity  to  those  possessing 
the  resources  and  tools  necessary  to  pro- 
duction to  exploit  labor.  In  the  famous 
debate  between  SchmoUer  and  Treitschke, 
when  Schmoller  said  that  the  present  social 
order  rose  out  of  force  and  injustice,  Treit- 
schke replied:  "What  does  force  and  injus- 
tice arise  from  ?  From  the  natural  inequality 
of  men  themselves.  Nature  made  some  men 
stronger  than  others.  Before  we  had  an 
organized  society  the  stronger  killed  the 
weaker.  When  we  had  a  slightly  organized 
society,  it  made  slaves  of  them.  Now  it  uses 
them  as  free  laborers." 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         81 

Capitalists  in  general,  with  none  of  the 
obligations  imposed  by  feudalism,  seized 
upon  the  economic  advantage  afforded  by 
the  emancipation  of  serf  labor,  and  used  the 
power  which  wealth  gave,  shutting  out 
ethical  and  humane  considerations.  They 
adduced  the  ruling  economics  to  justify 
their  practices. 

The  Science  of  Economics  and  Its 
Perversions 

But  Economics  as  taught  by  Adam 
Smith,  John  Stuart  Mill,  Alfred  Marshall, 
and  others  is  not  the  narrow,  unethical  sys- 
tem that  those  capitalists  practiced.  It  be- 
longs to  a  larger  science,  and  the  material 
forces  with  which  it  deals  are  conditioned 
by  the  psychic  forces  which  give  form  and 
pressure  to  society.  Adam  Smith  was  a  pro- 
fessor of  moral  philosophy  and  there  is  no 
contradiction  between  the  wealth  of  nations 
and  his  moral  teachings.  Alfred  Marshall 
emphasizes  the  effect  of  the  Reformation 
in  deepening  English  character,  "reacting 
upon  their  habits  of  life  and  giving  tone  to 
their  industry.  .  .  .  The  isolation  of  each 


82  BOLSHEVISM 

person's  responsibility  from  that  of  his  fel- 
lows, rightly  understood,  was  a  necessary 
condition  of  the  highest  spiritual  progress. 
.  .  .  Holland  and  other  countries  shared 
with  England  the  great  ordeal  which  was 
thus  opened  by  the  spiritual  upheaval  that 
closed  the  Middle  Ages.  But  from  many 
points  of  view,  and  especially  from  that  of 
the  economist,  England's  experiences  were 
the  most  instructive  and  the  most  thorough, 
and  were  typical  of  the  rest.  England  led 
the  way  in  the  modern  evolution  of  industry 
and  enterprise  by  free  and  self-determining 
energy  and  will."^  Capitalism  as  it  has  been 
practiced  and  as  it  is  has  been  represented 
by  some  critics  is  as  far  removed  from  the 
true  science  of  economics  as  the  Machiavel- 
lian doctrine  of  the  state  is  from  the  true 
conception  of  the  state.  Professor  Marshall 
speaks  of  "the  many  hangers-on  of  the 
science,  who  had  no  reverence  for  it,  and 
used  it  simply  as  an  engine  for  keeping  the 
working  classes  in  their  place.  Perhaps  no 
great  school  of  thinkers  has  suffered  so  much 
from  the  way  in  which  its  hangers-on  and 

1  Principles  of  Economics,  vol.  i,  p.  63,  The  Macmillan  Co. 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         83 

parasites,  professing  to  simplify  economic 
doctrines,  really  enunciated  them  without 
the  conditions  to  make  them  true."^  In- 
dustrial lords  seized  upon  certain  narrow 
economic  abstractions  to  lend  a  flattering 
unction  to  their  predatory  practices  in  much 
the  same  way  that  despotic  monarchs  used 
Machiavellian  maxims  to  justify  their  usur- 
pations and  aggressions. 

Irresponsible  power,  exercised  for  indus- 
trial aggrandizement,  by  its  singleness  of 
purpose  and  concentration  of  force,  hke 
other  despotisms,  was  immensely  successful 
for  a  time.  But  later,  by  an  inexorable  law, 
oppression  generated  the  vices  which  under- 
mined its  strength  and  roused  the  opposition 
which  compelled  the  captains  of  industry  to 
bow  to  the  will  of  an  aroused  social  con- 
science. The  greed  which  forced  men, 
women,  and  children  to  work  twelve  to  six- 
teen hours  a  day,  in  mines  and  mills,  in  con- 
ditions fatal  to  health  and  morals,  produced 
such  a  frightful  amount  of  social  wreckage 
that  the  famous  Factory  Acts  were  neces- 
sary to  safeguard  society.     Wage-earners, 

^  Principles  of  Economics,  vol.  i,  p.  35,  The  Macmillan  Co. 


84  BOLSHEVISM 

on  the  other  hand,  smarting  under  injustice, 
used  force  to  resist  force,  and  by  strikes, 
sabotage,  and  other  drastic  methods  have 
wrung  concessions  from  their  employers  and 
enforced  their  claims  to  a  larger  share  of  a 
common  product. 

The  Dislocation  of  the  Social  Order 

Thus  was  produced  a  dislocation  of  the 
social  order  which  has  steadily  widened.  A 
dualism  between  religion  and  business, 
ethics  and  economics  has  prevailed,  save 
where  it  has  been  mediated  by  the  altruistic 
feelings  and  practices  of  individuals  and 
groups.  In  spite  of  beneficent  legislation 
and  noble  reforms  to  bridge  the  chasm,  the 
social  cleavage  has  deepened  and  industrial 
conflicts  have  become  more  formidable. 
During  the  years  iimnediately  preceding  the 
war  the  portents  of  an  approaching  social 
convulsion  in  England  and  on  the  Continent 
of  Europe  became  alarming.  At  the  time  of 
the  railroad  strike  in  1911  England  was  in 
danger  of  starvation.  The  London  Times 
declared  that  the  country  was  "facing  the 
decomposition  of  society."     The  settlement 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         85 

of  this  strike  instead  of  bringing  peace  stim- 
ulated new  forces  of  revolt,  which  projected 
their  offensive  beyond  local  groups  and  into 
whole  industries.  Trades  unions  and  social 
legislation,  though  increasingly  effective,  no 
longer  satisfied  the  demands  of  labor.  A 
sinister  disposition  to  disregard  the  sanctity 
of  agreements  became  manifest  and  "legal 
contracts  entered  into  by  labor  were  con- 
tinuously violated  as  if  they  had  meant  noth- 
ing at  all."^ 

Before  the  war  Professor  Marshall  stated 
that  "if  wealth  were  distributed  equally,  the 
total  production  of  the  country  would  only 
suffice  to  provide  necessaries  and  the  more 
urgent  comforts  for  the  people,  and  that 
as  things  are,  many  have  barely  the  neces- 
saries of  life.  .  .  .  The  average  increase  per 
head  in  the  United  Kingdom,  which  was 
about  £15  in  1820,  is  about  £33  now;  i.  e., 
it  has  risen  from  about  £75  to  £165  per 
family  of  five.  There  are  not  a  few  artisan 
families,  the  total  earnings  of  which  exceed 
£165,  so  that  they  would  lose  by  an  equal 
distribution  of  wealth:  but  even  they  have 

'  London  Times,  January  26  and  March  27,  1912. 


86  BOLSHEVISM 

not  more  than  is  required  to  support  a 
healthy  and  many-sided  Hfe."^  Though 
the  proportion  per  capita  of  wealth  in  the 
United  States  is  larger,^  the  net  output  of 
production  before  the  war  was  barely  ade- 
quate to  provide  a  proper  measure  of  sub- 
sistence and  comfort  for  the  whole  popula- 
tion even  if  it  had  been  equally  distributed. 
In  both  countries  it  is  estimated  that  in- 
dustry attained  only  about  fifty  per  cent  of 
its  possible  efficiency.  There  was  much 
wasteful  and  destructive  competition  be- 
tween employers  and  between  employers 
and  employees.  Many  "captains  of  indus- 
try" were  autocratic  and  self-sufficient, 
wholly  intent  upon  gaining  their  own  ends 
as  they  narrowly  and  selfishly  conceived 
them.  This  "dark  spot"  of  selfishness 
blinded  them  to  the  self-evident  truths,  that 
no  man  has  any  more  right  to  run  his  busi- 
ness as  he  pleases  than  the  Kaiser  had  a 
divine  right  to  rule  and  make  war;  that  the 
needs  and  grievances  of  labor  must  be  recog- 
nized and  adjusted  before  there  can  be  any 

^  Principles  of  Economics,  pp.  45,  146,  The  Macmillan  Co. 
"  The  total  wealth  of  the   United   States  is   estimateci   at 
$250,000,000,000,  and  the  total  income  $50,000,000,000. 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         87 

real  cooperation  which  is  essential  to  the 
greatest  efficiency.  Trades  unions  leaders, 
on  the  other  hand,  were  chiefly  exercised  in 
forcing  concessions  from  employers  and  pro- 
tecting their  members  from  aggression. 
Various  methods  of  slowing  up  production 
and  sabotage  were  encouraged.  Syndical- 
ists were  busy  stirring  up  envy,  hatred,  and 
hostility  promoting  craft  interests  instead 
of  a  community  of  service,  without  which 
the  real  welfare  of  labor  cannot  be  advanced. 

The  Psychic  Forces  in  Industrial 
Efficiency 

When  the  war  broke  out  and  England 
was  compelled  to  fight  for  her  existence,  she 
was  confronted  at  home  by  gross  profiteer- 
ing on  the  part  of  capitalists  and  by  wide- 
spread strikes  by  labor.  Industries  which 
were  vital  to  the  prosecution  of  the  war  were 
stalled.  Then  came  the  appeal  to  something 
higher  than  the  issues  of  class  warfare,  to 
their  common  loyalty  to  a  common  country 
upon  whose  salvation  everything  which  these 
classes  held  most  dear  depended.  An  in- 
dustrial armistice  was  effected.   Anunosities 


88  BOLSHEVISM 

were  held  in  abeyance.  The  precious  free- 
doms and  concessions  which  labor  had 
gained  after  years  of  bitter  struggle  and 
sacrifice  were  temporarily  surrendered.  A 
common  allegiance  was  recognized.  The 
productive  forces  of  the  nation  for  the  first 
time  were  mobilized,  not  for  profit,  but  for 
the  maximum  output.  England,  the  coun- 
try of  individualism,  the  battlefield  of  class 
struggle,  in  order  to  match  her  whole 
strength  against  Germany,  the  empire, 
where  politics,  commerce,  and  industry  had 
been  fused  in  a  single  conspiracy  for  world 
domination,  was  compelled  by  her  "Defence 
of  the  Reahn  Act,"  to  commandeer  private 
factories  and  property  for  war  purposes  and 
impose  the  most  drastic  regulations  in  re- 
gard to  the  luxuries,  the  food,  and  many 
activities  of  her  people. 

In  the  United  States  also  the  conduct 
of  industries  and  many  of  the  activities  of 
the  people  were  under  public  surveillance 
and  determined  by  the  necessities  of  the 
war.  Here,  as  in  England,  there  was  a 
general  loyal  response  and  cooperation. 
Judge  Edwin  B.  Parker,  the  Commissioner 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         89 

of  Priorities  of  the  War  Industries  Board, 
declares,  that  "in  ninety-nine  cases  out  of 
a  hundred  there  was  a  spontaneous  and  en- 
thusiastic support.  There  is  the  exceptional 
case  of  the  man  who  is  determined  to  'run 
his  own  business'  regardless  of  the  nation's 
crisis  and  her  most  vital  needs.  But  would 
you  call  such  a  man  democratic?  It  seems 
to  me  that  he  has  been  a  petty  autocrat  for 
so  long  that  he  is  unable  to  break  the  spell. 
He  has  been  using  our  precious  resources, 
employing  human  beings  in  his  service,  and 
holding  a  natural  monopoly  perhaps  in 
some  necessaries  of  life,  and  still  for  all  this 
he  acknowledges  no  responsibihty.  He 
represents  the  idea  which  America  has  set 
out  to  destroy — the  rule  of  the  irresponsible. 
.  .  .  Before  the  war,  the  test  by  which  the 
continued  existence  of  an  industry  was  de- 
termined was,  'Does  it  pay?'  To-day  our 
only  question  is,  'To  what  extent  does  it 
serve  the  nation's  need.'  We  have  to  quit 
production  simply  for  private  profit  and  be- 
gin to  produce  for  national  use."^ 

As  a  result  of  this  new  spirit  of  coopera- 

*  Quoted  in  The  Great  Chance,  Charles  W.  Wood. 


90  BOLSHEVISM 

tion  many  necessary  economies  and  effi- 
ciencies were  discovered  and  adopted.  New 
energies  were  released  and  a  production  siu*- 
passing  all  past  experience  was  achieved. 
In  England  "after  two  years,  during  which 
four  million  men,  or  nearly  one  third  of  the 
adult  able-bodied  male  population,  had  been 
drafted  into  the  fighting  services,  while 
something  Hke  two  million  more  had  to  be 
added  for  the  special  requu'ement  of  the 
munition  trades,  the  ordinary  trades  of  the 
country  were  still  able  to  be  carried  on  so 
as  to  supply  the  material  requisites  of  life 
for  the  remaining  civil  population  upon  a 
level  not  appreciably  lower  than  before  the 
war.  The  production  of  material  wealth  as 
a  whole  (inclusive  of  munitions  and  other 
material  war  requisites)  did  not  appear  to 
have  been  diminished  by  the  withdrawal  of 
four  million  men."^ 

During  the  war  industry  received  a  much 
needed  moral  quickening  and  developed  a 
social  conscience.  The  appeal  of  patriot- 
ism goes  deep  into  the  very  consciousness 
of  the  people  and  stirs  men  more  profoundly 

^  John  Atkinson  Hobson,  Evolution  of  Modern  Capitalism. 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         91 

than  economic  issues.  The  loyalty  to  coun- 
try, in  which  and  by  which  people  live,  was 
signally  manifest  long  before  modern  in- 
dustrialism. It  is  out  of  the  souls  of  men 
that  the  great  changes  of  society  and  the 
social  evolution  of  mankind  proceed.  "Man 
cannot  live  by  bread  alone."  Still  less  can 
he  feed  upon  his  self-interest  and  exercise 
his  economic  advantage  exclusively  without 
experiencing  revulsion  of  feeling.  When 
his  soul  is  stirred,  he  feels  the  moral  forces 
in  the  bosom  of  humanity,  which  though 
often  turned  aside  or  smothered,  always 
have  moved  the  world  and  always  will.  It 
is  only  when  the  pursuit  of  gain  is  ennobled 
by  ideal  aims  and  impelled  by  moral  motives 
that  it  commands  man's  best  energies  and 
becomes  a  worthy  vocation. 

The  president  of  a  great  steel  company 
said  the  other  day:  "When  a  man  or  a  num- 
ber of  men  for  their  own  ends  create  a  great 
industrial  unit  they  assume  an  obligation 
towards  the  human  elements  of  that  unit 
and  through  them  to  society  in  general, 
which  cannot  be  canceled  or  suspended  arbi- 
trarily."   The  human  factor  whose  import- 


92  BOLSHEVISM 

ance  this  steel  magnate  emphasizes  is  com- 
ing to  be  recognized  as  the  most  potential 
one  in  industry.  Economic  forces:  capital, 
material  resources  and  processes,  the  ma- 
chinery of  production  and  exchange — these 
are  essential  factors  and  are  sometimes  ig- 
nored by  reformers.  But  man,  who  is  much 
more  than  a  component  part  of  a  big  work- 
ing machine ;  man,  made  of  flesh  and  spirit, 
with  a  primal,  divine  urge  in  him  to  live  a 
fuller  life  and  master  conditions  so  as  to  de- 
velop such  hfe;  man  in  his  social  member- 
ment,  upon  which  industry  and  society  really 
depend,  determines  the  value  and  the  char- 
acter of  industry. 

Capitalism  is  constantly  changing  under 
the  pressure  of  the  human  factors  with  which 
it  is  identified.  It  is  an  evolving  system. 
There  was  a  time  when  the  laborer  was  re- 
garded as  a  commodity,  subject  like  other 
commodities  to  the  law  of  supply  and  de- 
mand. But  there  was  such  an  impoverish- 
ment of  labor  force  and  so  much  social 
wreckage  that  considerations  of  even  eco- 
nomic efficiency  compelled  progressive  busi- 
ness to   study  the  workman  as   a  human 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         93 

being.  His  physical  and  social  needs,  his 
rights  and  aspirations,  what  will  make  him 
contented  and  win  his  cooperation — these 
became  vital  business  problems,  which  press 
for  solution  with  increasing  persistence. 

Industry  and  the  Social  Whole 

The  vital  relation  of  the  industrial  unit 
to  the  social  whole  is  also  commanding  in- 
creasing attention.  Industry  depends  for 
its  very  existence  and  protection  upon  the 
community.  It  cannot  thrive  in  a  lawless, 
ignorant  and  vicious  people,  as  the  experi- 
ment of  Bolshevism  in  Russia  has  demon- 
strated. All  that  is  most  essential  to  in- 
dustry: power  of  brain  and  brawn,  the 
machinery  of  production  and  exchange, 
science  in  its  endless  applications,  the  market 
for  its  products— all  these,  with  the  psychic 
forces  which  develop  with  the  growth  of 
civilization,  are  furnished  by  the  community. 

Big  Business  More  Human  and  Demo- 
cratic 

Big  business  is  becoming  not  only  more 
hmnan   but   more    democratic.      Collective 


94  BOLSHEVISM 

bargaining,  conferences  and  arbitration  of 
disputes,  welfare  work,  profit-sharing,  dis- 
tribution of  stock  among  employees,  and 
similar  methods  are  attempts  to  give  a  larger 
recognition  to  workers  and  a  greater  share 
in  the  profits  of  business.  But  something 
more  than  higher  wages,  fewer  hours,  bet- 
ter working  conditions,  and  a  share  in  the 
profits  is  necessary  to  satisfy  workers  who 
are  imbued  with  the  democratic  spirit.  Their 
fundamental  grievance  is  that  they  are  de- 
pendents; they  have  no  ownership;  or  if  in 
a  few  corporations  they  are  stockholders  in 
a  small  way,  they  have  in  most  business 
concerns  no  voice  in  the  conduct  of  the  in- 
dustry to  which  they  give  their  energies  and 
often  their  lives.  They  are  exposed  to  the 
insecurity  of  a  competitive  industry  with  the 
dangers  of  unemployment  and  poverty  star- 
ing them  in  the  face.  Things  are  regulated 
for  them  as  in  an  autocracy,  and  not  by 
them,  or  at  least  with  their  cooperation,  as 
a  democracy  requires.  The  only  bond  be- 
tween them  and  their  employers  is  "the  cash 
nexus,"  in  the  form  of  wages.  They  have  no 
ownership  or  share  in  a  common  product 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         95 

save  in  a  few  exceptional  industries  and  by 
a  comparatively  small  contingent.  Thou- 
sands of  workers  have  fought  to  overthrow 
a  pohtical  autocracy  and  free  mankind  from 
the  domination  of  irresponsible  power. 
They  naturally  feel  hostile  toward  anything 
which  looks  like  Prussianism  in  business. 

No  Hereditary  Industrial  Autocracy 

There  is,  however,  no  hereditary  indus-, 
trial  autocracy.     Four  fifths  of  the  "cap- 
tains of  industry"  have  risen  from  the  ranks 
and  against  more  formidable  obstacles  than 
now  exist.     To  give  one  example   among  \ 
thousands:  Charles  P.  Steinmetz,  the  man-  i 
ager  of  the  General  Electric  Company,  says 
in  his  preface  to  his  book,  America  and  the  j 
New  Epoch:'     "When  I  landed  at  Castle  ' 
Garden,    from   the    steerage    of   a   French 
liner,  I  had  ten  dollars  and  no  job,  and  could 
speak  no  English.    Now,  personally,  I  have 
no  fault  to  find  with  existing  society;  it  has 
given  me  everything  I  wanted ;  I  have  been 
successful    professionally,    in    engineering, 
and  have  every  reason  to  be  personally  satis- 

^  Harper  &  Brothers,  Publishers. 


96  BOLSHEVISM 

fied;  .  .  .  Even  as  crude  and  undeveloped 
as  the  industrial  corporation  of  to-day  is,  in 
its  social  activities,  if  I  were  an  unknown  and 
unimportant  employee  I  would  far  rather 
take  my  chances  with  the  impersonal,  huge 
industrial  corporation  than  with  the  most 
well-meaning  individual  employer."  There 
is  something  in  man  that  is  superior  to  cir- 
cumstances and  there  is  something  in  the 
hardships  and  hazards  of  industrial  com- 
petition which  challenges  and  helps  develop 
men's  powers.  The  prizes  in  the  industrial 
world  as  a  rule  are  held  by  men  who  were 
poor  and  have  mastered  its  conditions. 

SociaHstic  communities,  on  the  other 
hand,  where  the  competitive  element  has 
been  partly  or  wholly  eliminated,  have  failed 
to  produce  either  men  or  wealth  for  anyone. 
There  are  some  sane  principles  of  socialism, 
however,  which  could  be  wisely  applied  to 
the  conduct  of  industry.  Mr.  Steinmetz 
calls  himself  a  Socialist  and  would  extend 
still  more  fully  the  principle  of  cooperation 
which  has  helped  make  industrial  coopera- 
tions so  strong  and  profitable  alike  to  cap- 
ital and  labor,  and  which  he  insists  is  essen- 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         97 

tial  to  enable  America  and  England  to  at- 
tain such  a  high  degree  of  commercial  effi- 
ciency as  Germany  by  the  help  of  state  So- 
cialism achieved  before  the  war.  That  state 
Sociahsm,  however,  was  a  masterly  combina- 
tion of  capitalism  with  political  and  educa- 
tional forces. 

The  men  who  are  really  doing  the  most 
to  democratize  industry  are  not  Socialists 
or  trades  unionists,  but  those  who  are  promi- 
nently identified  with  the  big  corporations. 
The  beginnings  of  a  representative  democ- 
racy, with  constitutional  rights  and  privi- 
leges to  all  workers,  have  already  been  made. 
The  International  Harvester  Company,  for 
example,  has  a  plan  which  provides  for  "a 
works  council"  in  which  representatives 
elected  by  the  employees  shall  have  equal 
voice  and  vote  with  the  management  in  the 
consideration  of  matters  of  mutual  interest. 
"Through  these  councils  any  employee  or 
group  of  employees  or  the  management  may 
at  any  time  present  suggestions,  requests, 
and  complaints  with  the  certainty  of  a  full 
and  fair  hearing."  There  are  some  twenty 
articles  in  this  industrial  constitution,  which 


98  BOLSHEVISM 

was   voted   upon   by   thirty   thousand   em- 
ployees in  March  of  this  year  and  adopted. 

Beginnings  of  an  Industrial  Democracy 
Other  similar  plans  are  in  operation  by 
the  Standard  Oil  Company.  During  the 
twelve  months  that  the  plan  introduced  by 
the  Standard  Oil  Company  of  New  Jersey 
has  been  tried  there  have  been  eighty  joint 
conferences  between  the  workers  and  the 
management ;  one  hundred  and  nineteen  dif- 
ferent subjects  came  up  for  discussion  and 
all  were  amicably  settled  by  the  employee 
and  company  representatives.  Wages 
have  been  increased,  life  insurance  has  been 
placed  for  all  the  workers,  and  detailed  plans 
have  been  formulated  for  old  age  and  serv- 
ice annuities. 

The  Problem  or  Production  for  Capital 
AND  Labor 
Industrial  democracy  obviously  would  be 
doomed  to  failure,  if  it  did  not  recognize  and 
keep  in  its  administrative  positions  men  of 
demonstrated  business  ability  and  experi- 
ence. Genius  has  its  place  and  is  entitled 
to  its  rewards  in  business  as  truly  as  in  art 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT         99 

and  literature  and  science.  The  best  So- 
cialists recognize  this,  and  also  the  economic 
necessity  of  the  promotion  of  workers  for 
merit  instead  of  leveling  them  down.  Cer- 
tain economic  laws  have  a  sovereign  sanc- 
tion and  validity.  They  cannot  be  sup- 
planted by  popular  vote,  nor  can  the  con- 
duct of  business  be  safely  put  into  the  hands 
of  demagogues.  The  problem  of  sufficient 
production  to  meet  the  increasing  demands 
of  labor  for  higher  wages,  fewer  hom'S,  and 
better  conditions  must  be  solved  on  economic 
grounds.  "The  theory  advanced  by  some 
advocates  of  shorter  hours  of  labor,  that  the 
reduction  of  hours  does  not  mean  an  equal 
reduction  in  products,  fails  to  apply  to  the 
textile  industries,  because  the  work  is  done 
largely  by  machinery.  The  work  of  the 
laborers  is  to  keep  the  machines  supplied 
with  material,  to  attend  to  the  machines,  and 
to  remove  the  products.  The  machines  are 
already  run  at  the  highest  speed  possible  for 
good  work.  Consequently,  the  alertness  or 
quickness  or  willingness  to  work  on  the  part 
of  the  workers  cannot  increase  the  output  of 
the  machine.  ...  It  is  impossible  to  run 


100  BOLSHEVISM 

the  machines  with  two  or  three  shifts,  be- 
cause a  large  proportion  of  the  workers  are 
women  and  children  and  the  labor  laws  of 
Massachusetts  prohibit  them  from  working 
at  night.  A  reduction  of  twelve  and  one  half 
per  cent  of  working  hours  means  a  reduc- 
tion of  twelve  and  one  half  per  cent  of  pro- 
duct, but  the  overhead  expenses  remain  the 
same.  So  the  cost  of  production  per  yard 
is  increased  with  every  reduction  of  hours. 
In  those  industrial  activities,  however,  where 
the  individual  factor  is  greater  than  the  me- 
chanical, the  theory  that  the  volume  of  pro- 
duction can  be  maintained  with  a  shorter 
working  day,  holds  true." 

Labor  has  reasoned  that  if  values  are  de- 
termined by  the  law  of  supply  and  demand, 
then  the  less  the  work  performed  the  more 
valuable  labor  will  be,  the  more  continuous 
the  work,  and  the  less  danger  of  unemploy- 
ment. Hence,  trades  unions  have  adopted 
the  policy  of  restricting  output,  by  slowing 
up  the  workers  and  opposing  the  introduc- 
tion of  labor-saving  machinery.  This  mis- 
taken policy  is  one  of  the  causes  why  Eng- 
land before  the  war,  where  this  policy  was 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT       101 

most  generally  in  force,  developed  only 
about  fifty  per  cent  of  her  labor  efficiency 
and  was  greatly  handicapped  in  her  com- 
mercial competition  with  Germany.  The 
controlling  factor  in  determining  the  value 
of  labor  is  the  amount  of  marketable  goods 
produced  and  at  such  a  cost  as  consumers 
can  afford  to  purchase.  The  fear  of  un- 
employment, however,  is  a  force  that  must 
be  met  in  such  a  way  that  the  burden  shall 
not  fall  wholly  upon  labor.  Such  guaran- 
tees should  be  given  that  the  workers  shall 
be  encouraged  to  give  their  utmost  energies 
to  make  production  as  large  as  possible, 
which  is  their  most  effectual  safeguard,  and 
at  the  same  time  be  provided  with  sufficient 
insurance  to  tide  them  over  the  evil  day, 
when  it  does  come.  England  has  already 
taken  a  step  toward  this  end.  At  the  time  of 
this  writing  one  million  persons  are  receiving 
their  unemployment  dole. 

The  Class  Struggle  and  the  Com- 
munity 

The  class  struggle,  which  Socialists  and 
others  have  declared  to  be  the  norm  of  civili- 


102  BOLSHEVISM 

zation,  cannot  be  settled  within  the  industrial 
unit  and  upon  economic  grounds  alone. 
Economic  forces  are  constantly  being  over- 
borne by  national  and  racial  interests;  and 
these  interests  in  turn  bow  to  the  superior 
claims  of  humanity.  Before  the  war  the 
Socialists  of  Europe  were  banded  together 
in  the  International  and  fondly  believed  that 
this  bond  of  fraternity  was  stronger  than 
all  others,  even  strong  enough  to  prevent 
war.  But  when  the  appeal  to  patriotism  was 
made,  the  Socialists  in  the  various  coun- 
tries rushed  to  the  colors  and  fought  against 
one  another  on  all  fronts.  No  struggle  for 
freedom  has  ever  been  won  by  any  class  with- 
out enlisting  the  help  of  other  classes,  and 
indeed,  of  some  members  of  the  very  class 
against  which  it  was  fighting.  The  bond  of 
the  alliance  thus  formed  was  more  human 
than  economic.  No  great  advance  for  hu- 
manity has  been  made  without  the  coopera- 
tion of  "psychic  forces,  organized  in  civiliza- 
tion, subduing  individuals  or  aggregates  of 
individuals  efficient  in  their  own  interests  to 
those  universal  principles  which  are  making 
for  the  limitless  efficiency  of  civilization." 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT       103 

The  industrial  strife  and  bitterness  which 
have  become  so  formidable  and  are  shaking 
the  supports  of  society  can  never  be  over- 
come without  the  cooperation  of  the  com- 
munity. The  psychic  forces,  which  have 
been  developed  largely  in  the  family,  the 
state,  and  the  church,  must  be  applied  to 
the  industrial  member.  Industrialism  has 
insulated  itself  in  many  cases  from  ethical 
restraints  and  social  obligations.  The  com- 
munity has  been  exploited  and  its  rights 
ruthlessly  trampled  upon.  It  has  been  long 
suffering  and  much  too  kind.  It  is  high 
time  that  the  community  in  which  the  owner- 
ship of  so  much  of  the  natural  resources  is 
vested,  and  upon  whose  will  the  very  life 
of  industry  depends,  should  insist  upon  its 
rights.  The  fixing  of  prices  and  wages  with- 
out regard  to  the  public;  the  increasing  dis- 
position on  the  part  of  corporations  to  com- 
pel consumers  to  pay  tribute  and  on  the 
part  of  the  proletariat  to  conscript  wealth 
by  taxation,  are  as  fatal  to  economic  effi- 
ciency as  they  are  to  social  solidarity.  The 
effrontery  of  syndicalists  in  enforcing  their 
claims  not  only  by  curtailing  profits  but  by 


104  BOLSHEVISM 

"the  universal  strike" — by  holding  up  the 
community  by  the  stoppage  of  supplies — is 
treason  of  the  worst  sort. 

The   Supreme   Claims   of   "a   Greater, 
Happier,  and  Better  Humanity" 

The  human  obligations  within  industry 
and  to  the  larger  life  of  the  community  are 
the  invisible  ties  which  hold  society  together. 
When  these  obligations  are  weakened,  when 
the  arterial  circulation  of  common  ideals, 
feelings,  and  interests  is  poor,  "there  is 
schism  in  the  members" — the  social  body  is 
torn  by  its  contending  factions.  Clemenceau, 
speaking  about  the  program  of  the  Peace 
Conference,  said,  "It  is  no  longer  the  peace 
of  a  more  or  less  vast  territory,  no  longer 
the  peace  of  continents;  it  is  the  peace  of 
nations  that  is  to  be  made."  We  must  be 
ready  to  make  any  sacrifice,  but  "on  the  con- 
dition that  we  endeavor  impartially  to  con- 
ciliate interests,  apparently  contradictory, 
on  the  highest  plan  of  a  greater,  happier, 
and  better  humanity."  The  spirit  of  self- 
sacrifice  and  conciliation  which  the  French 
premier  declared  to  be  essential  to  the  estab- 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT       105 

lishment  of  international  peace  is  just  as 
truly  essential  to  industrial  peace.  There 
must  be  the  conciliation  and  cooperation  of 
groups  and  interests,  "apparently  contra- 
dictory" and  now  hostile,  by  making  them 
feel  the  wisdom  and  power  of  "a  greater, 
happier,  and  a  better  humanity." 


106  BOLSHEVISM 


CHAPTER  V 


PROPERTY  AND  THE  SOCIAL 
ORDER 

Private  property  has  a  divine  sanction 
and  is  one  of  the  oldest  of  human  institu- 
tions. It  has  enlarged  the  scope  of  human 
personality  and  has  been  a  potent  factor  in 
binding  individuals  and  groups  into  com- 
munities and  nations.  Communistic  experi- 
ments have  failed.  Most  Socialists  now 
admit  the  necessity  and  worth  of  this  time- 
honored  institution  and  give  it  a  place  in 
their  programs  for  collective  ownership  and 
production. 

The  Right  to  Property 

Many  theories  which  have  been  adduced 
to  justify  the  right  to  property  base  this 
right  upon  force,  possession,  or  acquisition, 
irrespective  of  moral  relations  and  obliga- 
tions. But  these  objections  are  conclusive: 
"The  arbitrary  seizure  of  a  thing  cannot 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT       107 

become  the  ground  of  a  right  to  it;  the 
momentary  possession  of  a  thing  still  less 
can  become  the  ground  of  a  continuous 
right;  and  the  title  of  acquisition  is  not  the 
basis  of  property,  but  the  property  is  the 
basis  for  the  title.  .  .  .  Occupancy  and 
labor  and  law  are  indicative  of  possession 
on  the  ground  that  apart  from  them  the 
necessity  and  justice  of  property  exist." 

Mulford,  in  his  great  book,  The  Nation, 
after  a  critical  review  of  the  conventions  con- 
cerning the  right  to  property,  comes  to  this 
noble  conclusion:  property  "is  man's  only 
as  his  personal  being;  that  is,  his  life  in  its 
moral  realization  is  from  God,  and  it  is  his 
in  and  for  the  fulfillment  of  his  vocation  in 
a  moral  order  in  the  world,  and  apart  from 
this  there  is  nothing  which  is  his  own.  .  .  . 
If  property  becomes  in  itself  an  end,  then 
personality  is  subjected  to  the  things  it  pos- 
sesses. If  it  be  held  apart  from  the  voca- 
tion of  man  and  the  moral  relations  and 
obligations  involved  in  that,  then  it  becomes 
mere  possession;  the  instrument  of  a  selfish 
interest  and  the  means  for  the  degradation 
of  personality." 


108  BOLSHEVISM 

The  Biblical  Conception  of  Property 

Mulford's  conclusion,  that  the  right  to 
property  comes  from  God  as  the  Creator 
and  Sovereign  of  the  earth,  is  a  fundamental 
truth  of  the  Bible.  The  Scripture  passage 
"The  earth  is  the  Lord's,  and  the  fullness 
thereof"  is  no  mere  rhetorical  phrase,  but 
the  expression  of  supreme  reality.  God 
owns  the  world  in  fee  simple.  All  material 
substances  and  forces,  all  human  powers  and 
rights,  are  his  gifts,  and  conditioned  by  his 
moral  order.  Man,  by  virtue  of  his  divine 
endowment  as  a  spiritual  being,  is  given 
dominion  over  the  physical  world.  His 
vocation  is  to  use  it  in  fulfillment  of  the 
Divine  purpose  and  thus  work  out  his  own 
development  and  destiny. 

David's  prayer,  which  was  offered  at  the 
building  of  the  temple,  reveals  the  Hebrew 
conception  of  property  as  God's  gift,  to  be 
held  in  trust  for  his  use  in  the  realization 
of  his  Kingdom  upon  the  earth  and  in  the 
exercise  both  by  men  and  nations  of  their 
high  calling  and  stewardship.  "Thine,  O 
Lord,  is  the  greatness,  and  the  power.  .  .  • 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT       109 

Both  riches  and  honor  come  out  of  thee,  and 
thou  reignest  over  all.  .  .  .  Who  am  I,  and 
what  is  my  people,  that  we  should  be  able  to 
offer  so  willingly  after  this  sort?  for  all 
things  come  of  thee,  and  of  thine  own  have 
we  given  thee.  .  .  .  O  Lord  our  God,  all 
this  store  .  .  .  cometh  of  thine  hand,  and  is 
all  thine  own.  .  .  .  O  Lord  God  of  Abra- 
ham, Isaac,  and  of  Israel  our  fathers,  keep 
this  forever  in  the  imagination  of  the 
thoughts  of  the  heart  of  thy  people,  and 
prepare  their  heart  unto  thee." 

The  spirit  of  this  prayer  is  supreme  in 
the  Law  and  the  Prophets.  This  spirit 
shines  all  through  the  history  of  that  chosen 
people,  blessing  them  when  they  were  obedi- 
ent and  justifying  its  wisdom  by  the  de- 
grading abominations  and  disasters  into 
which  they  fell  when  they  were  disobedient. 
When  Israel  turned  away  from  the  worship 
of  the  unseen  righteous  God  and  bowed 
down  to  idols;  when  they  broke  the  obliga- 
tions which  the  possession  of  property  en- 
tailed, the  bond  that  made  those  nomad 
tribes  a  people  with  a  God-given  mission  was 
weakened.     Their  hold  upon  the  righteous- 


110  BOLSHEVISM 

ness  of  God  and  his  moral  government  being 
loosened,  all  lower  sanctities  and  rights  lost 
their  force.  Religion  degenerated  into  cere- 
monialism. Only  partial  service  and  sacri- 
fice were  required.  Might  usurped  right. 
Property  divorced  from  a  divine  sanction 
became  a  means  of  selfish  aggrandizement 
and  an  instrument  of  oppression.  The  con- 
centration of  wealth,  without  moral  restraint, 
brought  its  inevitable  concomitants — the 
debauchery  of  the  rich  and  the  impoverish- 
ment of  the  poor.  Nothing  saved  Israel 
from  the  fate  of  the  surrounding  idolatrous 
nations  but  the  burning  protests  of  the 
prophets  speaking  with  divine  authority,  re- 
calling them  to  the  worship  of  a  righteous 
God  and  obedience  to  his  moral  order. 

Jesus  and  the  Social  Order 

Jesus  came  to  reveal  more  fully  and 
persuasively  the  unseen  Sovereign  and 
Father  to  whom  the  Law  and  the  Prophets 
sought  to  bind  that  believing,  but  doubting 
and  sinful,  people.  Jesus  was  primarily  a 
revealer.  He  was  not  a  social  agitator 
against   the   intolerable   political   and   eco- 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT       111 

nomic  tyranny  under  which  humanity  was 
then  groaning.  If  Jesus  had  yielded  to  the 
popular  clamors  of  his  day  and  had  incor- 
porated into  his  gospel  a  social  program 
to  remedy  the  oppressive  conditions  of 
Palestine  and  the  ancient  world,  his  revela- 
tion of  an  invisible  kingdom  whose  Sove- 
reign wisdom  would  be  justified  by  its  uni- 
versal application  and  realization  would 
have  been  obscured  and  would  have  lost  its 
unique  redemptive  character.  The  world- 
embracing,  regenerating  principles  of  Jesus 
cannot  be  compressed  into  social  dogmas, 
much  less  into  class  slogans.  As  Mazzini 
said,  "Christ  came  for  all;  he  lived  for  all; 
he  died  for  all." 

Every  age  cries  out  for  some  sovereign 
specific  to  cure  its  peculiar  evils.  Drastic 
legislation  and  methods  are  demanded,  but 
often  the  fundamental  rights  upon  which  the 
very  structure  and  stability  of  society  rest  are 
violated.  Mayor  Hansen,  of  Seattle,  Wash- 
ington, was  asked  by  a  New  York  news- 
paper for  a  fifteen-hundred-word  article  on 
the  laws  he  would  propose  to  curb  Bolshev- 
ism in  America.    He  denied  the  request  and 


112  BOLSHEVISM 

said:  "Laws  might  be  enacted  which,  while 
meeting  the  present  emergency,  would 
threaten  the  rights  of  the  American  people; 
it  was  better  to  wait  till  calmness  and  de- 
liberation could  take  the  place  of  furor  and 
tumult."  Bolshevism  is  an  epidemic  due  to 
diseased  social  conditions.  Drastic  methods 
are  necessary  to  curb  its  violence  and  check 
its  spread,  but  the  cause  lies  too  deep  for 
laws  to  cure. 

God's  Righteous  Order 

The  crying  need  of  that  ancient  world 
and  of  these  tumultuous  times  is  God's 
righteousness  established  in  the  minds  and 
hearts  of  mankind.  When  this  righteous- 
ness is  sought  and  obeyed,  ethical  and  social 
potencies  of  marvelous  efficacy  are  released. 
They  work  from  within  outward  and  give 
quickening  and  strength  to  other  similar 
forces.  "The  presence  of  electrical  force  in 
one  body,"  we  are  told,  "induces  a  corre- 
sponding force  in  another  not  in  contact 
with  the  first,  but  adjacent  to  it;  currents 
passing  in  a  given  direction  communicate 
new  properties  to  a  body  round  which  they 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT       113 

circulate ;  the  neutral  iron  becomes  a  magnet 
attracting,  vibrating  so  long  as  it  is  en- 
circled by  a  galvanic  current."  Similarly, 
the  power  Jesus  received  from  God  was  im- 
parted to  his  disciples.  This  spiritual  cur- 
rent spread,  communicating  intensity  and 
new  properties  to  other  ethical  potencies, 
more  or  less  remote  from  it.  Like  the  forces 
of  nature,  it  has  always  been  available  and 
responsive  to  human  needs  and  cooperation. 
"The  world  was  out  of  joint"  then,  and 
it  is  still.  No  political  and  social  recon- 
struction could  or  can  set  it  right,  so  long 
as  disruptive  forces  were  and  are  raging. 
The  kingdom  might  have  been  restored  to 
Israel,  the  Roman  yoke  thrown  off  and  a 
treaty  of  peace  concluded.  But  God's 
righteousness  could  be  established  only  so 
far  as  the  insurgence  of  self  in  the  heart  of 
humanity  at  enmity  against  the  divine  order 
was  conquered  and  transformed.  No  reform 
would  be  effectual  with  a  wicked  and  an 
adulterous  generation  which  worshiped  false 
gods,  enthroned  might  over  right,  and  or- 
ganized the  forces  of  human  strength  under 
the  Prince  of  this  world  against  the  Right- 


114  BOLSHEVISM 

eous  Ruler.  The  strangle  hold  which  sin 
had  upon  humanity  must  be  broken  before 
society  could  be  saved. 

The  prime  essential  and  dynamic  for  the 
regeneration  of  society  then  and  now  is 
God's  love  incarnate  in  Jesus  Christ,  who 
took  upon  himself  our  flesh  and  infused  into 
those  who  received  him  a  new  purifying, 
transforming  power  which  remakes  men 
and  enables  them  to  remake  society  into 
the  kingdom  of  God. 

The  Ownership  of  Property  and   Its 
Obligations 

What  does  this  Divine  Love  as  revealed 
in  Jesus  require  in  respect  to  the  ownership 
and  use  of  property,  which  is  the  storm 
center  of  so  much  of  the  evil  in  the  world? 
Jesus  accepted  without  criticism  the  insti- 
tution of  private  property  as  he  did  other 
institutions  of  society.  He  evidently  did  not 
regard  its  possession,  or  wealth,  as  an  in- 
fringement upon  the  rights  and  welfare  of 
others,  still  less  as  the  cause  of  poverty  and 
misery.  However  faulty  or  unjust  the 
structure  of  society  may  have  been  at  times, 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT       115 

it  has  been  imperiled  whenever  the  sacred- 
ness  of  private  property  has  been  violated 
save  for  the  benefit  of  the  social  whole. 
Wealth,  when  it  is  earned,  is  an  achievement 
due  to  faithfulness  over  a  few  things  in  a 
minor  sphere  and  is  entitled  to  its  reward. 
It  is  accompanied  by  virtues  or  vices  ac- 
cording as  certain  higher  laws  are  obeyed 
or  disobeyed.  It  may  minister  to  the  beauty 
and  gladness  of  hfe  or  increase  its  miseries. 
It  is  the  way  in  which  a  man  gets  or  uses  or 
spends  his  wealth;  it  is  the  place  it  has  in 
his  thoughts  and  affections,  which  deter- 
mines his  character.  Like  knowledge,  which 
often  fosters  pride  and  the  desire  to  domi- 
nate others ;  like  religion,  which  so  easily  de- 
generates into  hypocrisy  and  persecution; 
hke  any  other  good,  which  may  be  debased, 
wealth  has  its  perils  which  none  escape  and 
few  pass  through  unscathed.  The  strain  and 
stress  of  acquisition;  the  preoccupation  with 
one's  possessions;  the  covetousness  which  it 
breeds,  the  vices  which  it  engenders — these 
often  impoverish  the  real  life  of  men  and 
dry  up  its  springs.  Only  he  who  is  athletic 
of  soul  can  endure  the  grueling  test.     But 


116  BOLSHEVISM 

if  he  does  endure  it,  he  gains  greater  moral 
power  and  even  spiritual  blessedness,  as  the 
parable  of  the  talents  teaches. 

No  sin,  save  possibly  hypocrisy,  which  is 
an  abuse  of  a  real  good,  was  treated  by  the 
Master  with  such  withering  scorn  as  covet- 
ousness.  Nothing  was  so  severely  con- 
demned as  indulgence  in  selfish  splendor  in 
the  midst  of  moaning  want.  Retribution  is 
pictured  as  falling  Hke  a  crack  of  doom  upon 
the  rich  fool  who  lived  in  luxurious  ease,  and 
also  upon  Dives,  who  in  hell  lifted  up  his 
eyes  in  torment  and  beheld  Lazarus  in 
heaven,  the  accusing  witness  of  his  brutal 
selfishness.  On  the  other  hand,  one  of  the 
meanest  characters  in  the  gospel  is  the  man 
who  hid  his  one  talent,  the  I.  W.  W.  who 
produced  nothing,  lost  his  ability  and  oppor- 
tunity, and  was  cast  as  an  unprofitable  serv- 
ant into  outer  darkness. 

The  Sin  of  Luxury 

Flaunting  luxury  in  the  presence  of 
poverty  and  misery  is  a  deadly  sin  and  a 
pernicious  perversion  of  property.  Un- 
productive   consumption    of    wealth,    the 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT       117 

diversion  of  labor  to  the  production  of  ar- 
ticles many  of  which  not  only  supply  no  real 
need,  but  are  injurious,  is  a  prolific  cause  of 
poverty.  In  a  well-ordered  household  it 
would  be  considered  monstrous  and  brutal 
if  the  father  or  mother  should  spend  so  much 
of  the  common  patrimony  in  selfish  gratifi- 
cations that  the  rest  of  the  family  should 
suffer  for  the  necessities  of  life.  If  a  com- 
pany of  persons  should  be  gathered  together 
at  the  banquet  where  the  provisions  were 
barely  sufficient  to  give  each  a  moderate 
share,  and  a  few  greedy  persons  should  help 
themselves  so  plentifully  that  there  would 
not  be  enough  left  for  the  others,  those 
greedy  persons  would  be  regarded  as  boors. 
But  in  every  city  there  are  hundreds  of  idle 
rich,  idle  rich,  who  produce  nothing,  but  con- 
sume so  much  from  life's  common  table  that 
only  a  few  crumbs  are  left  for  the  many  who 
are  continually  on  the  verge  of  starvation. 

Professor  Cairnes,  an  able  English  econo- 
mist, writes  in  reference  to  the  extravagant 
expenditures  of  the  idle  rich:  "The  wealth 
accumulated  by  their  ancestors  or  others  on 
their  behalf,  when  it  is  employed  as  capital 


118  BOLSHEVISM 

in  productive  enterprises  no  doubt  helps  to 
sustain  industry.  But  what  they  consume 
in  luxury  and  idleness  is  not  capital,  and 
helps  sustain  nothing  but  their  own  un- 
profitable lives.  By  all  means  they  must 
have  their  rents  and  interest  as  it  is  written 
in  the  bond;  but  let  them  take  their  proper 
place  as  drones  in  the  hives,  gorging  at  a 
feast  to  which  they  have  contributed  noth- 
ing. This  does  not  apply  to  the  industrious 
rich,  but  it  does  condemn  their  luxury." 

Predatory  Wealth 

The  war  has  made  parasitic  and  preda- 
tory wealth  as  odious  and  as  treasonable  as 
Prussianism.  The  slacker  and  the  profiteer 
are  social  outcasts.  Property  rights,  and 
even  some  precious  personal  freedoms,  are 
justified  only  when  subordinated  to  the  good 
of  the  whole.  The  obligations  that  posses- 
sion entails,  which  the  Bible  has  taught,  and 
have  been  observed  by  spiritual-minded  men 
in  all  ages,  are  becoming  accepted  and  ap- 
plied by  an  awakened  social  conscience.  All 
that  enters  into  wealth — natural  substances 
and  forces,  the  powers  that  organize  and 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT       119 

drive  industry,  the  machinery  of  production 
and  exchange,  the  laws  and  institutions  of 
society  which  generations  have  developed 
and  transmitted — all  these,  without  which 
the  acquisition  or  the  possession  of  property 
would  be  impossible,  are  God-given  and 
maintained  by  society.  No  individuals  or 
corporations  own  the  product,  and  they 
have  no  right  to  administer  it  in  any  way 
that  violates  the  character  of  God  or  militates 
against  his  rule  in  human  affairs.  "What- 
ever hinders  the  attainment  of  a  true  and 
full  himianity  on  the  part  of  every  man  or 
woman  ought  to  be  removed,  and  whatever 
is  essential  to  the  very  existence  of  human 
beings  as  our  Father  in  heaven  means  them 
to  exist,  ought  to  be  supplied  and  made  pos- 
sible to  all." 

The  drastic  discipline  of  these  tragic 
years,  when  civilization  has  been  trembling 
in  the  balance,  has  driven  home  the  convic- 
tion that  all  rights  and  possessions  depend 
for  their  validity  and  perpetuity  upon  their 
relations  to  God's  moral  order.  In  coopera- 
tion with  him  these  lower  forces  and  posses- 
sions may  prosper;  without  him  they  fail. 


120  BOLSHEVISM 

"The  fashion  of  this  world,"  with  its  idola- 
tries and  perversions  of  God's  order,  "passeth 
away."  The  lust  of  the  flesh,  the  indulgence 
of  appetites  at  whatever  cost  to  others,  the 
pride  of  possession  and  push  for  domination 
which  is  "hard  by  hate"  and  oppression — 
these  flourish  for  a  time,  but  they  are  self- 
destructive  and  are  doomed.  "Fresher  life" 
humanity  "derives  from  their  decay"  be- 
cause "the  Waster  builds  again." 

Property  and  the  Awakened  Social 
Conscience 

No  giving  is  too  great,  no  sacrifice  is  too 
costly  to  establish  God's  righteous  rule  over 
everything  that  destroys  the  souls  of  men 
and  breaks  down  the  supports  of  society. 
The  question  is  not  how  much  shall  we  give 
of  money  and  service,  but  how  much  have 
we  a  right  to  keep  and  how  shall  the  posses- 
sion we  hold  in  trust  be  administered  to  con- 
serve and  spread  this  blessed  rule.  H.  G. 
Wells,  a  free  lance  in  religion,  says:  "The 
servant  of  God  has  no  business  with  wealth 
or  position,  except  to  use  them  immediately 
in  the  service  of  God.    Finding  these  things 


AND  SOCIAL  REVOLT       121 

in  his  hands,  he  is  bound  to  administer  them 
in  the  service  of  God." 

This  is  what  the  awakened  social  con- 
science expects  of  God's  servants.  Social 
radicals  risk  and  give  everything  to  stir  up 
social  revolt.  God's  servants  should  be  as 
self-sacrificing  and  as  adventurous  in  pro- 
moting spiritual  and  social  regeneration. 
Billions  of  bonds  have  been  purchased,  ex- 
cess profits  have  been  given  up,  the  savings 
of  the  poorer  classes  have  been  contributed 
in  all  ^he  allied  nations  to  enable  them  to 
overthrow  a  malevolent  autocracy.  Why 
not  put  such  bonds  and  such  profits  and  such 
savings  at  the  service  of  a  far  more  im- 
perative and  sublime  cause,  the  enthrone- 
ment of  God's  kingdom  over  the  principali- 
ties and  powers  of  evil? 

The  Peace  Conference  at  best  will  be 
partial  and  ineffectual  in  some  of  its  pro- 
visions. It  will  fail  unless  the  signatories 
and  peoples  keep  their  covenants  with  God, 
the  Supreme  Owner  and  Sovereign,  and  re- 
nounce their  idolatries  of  Mammon,  Mili- 
tarism, and  Materialism.  George  Mac- 
donald's   most   earnest   exhortation   should 


122  BOLSHEVISM 

be  taken  to  heart:  "Cast  your  idol  into  the 
furnace ;  melt  your  mammon  down ;  coin  him 
up ;  make  God's  money  of  him  and  send  him 
coursing.  Make  of  him  cups  to  carry  the 
gift  of  God,  the  water  of  life,  through  the 
world.  .  .  .  What  true  gifts  might  not  the 
mammon  of  unrighteousness,  changed  back 
into  the  money  of  God,  give  to  men  and 
women,  bone  of  our  bone,  flesh  of  our  flesh! 
How  would  you  not  spend  your  money  for 
the  Lord  if  he  needed  it  at  your  hands  ?  He 
does  need  it;  for  he  that  spends  it  upon  the 
least  of  his  fellows  spends  it  upon  his  Lord. 
To  hold  fast  upon  God  with  one  hand  and 
open  wide  the  other  to  your  neighbor — this 
is  religion;  this  is  the  Law  and  Prophets 
and  the  true  way  to  all  better  things  that  are 
yet  to  come." 


INDEX 


America,  36,  65 
Anarchy,  7-16 

Bakounine,  7-13,  20 
Bolshevism,  Pre-,  7 
Bolshevism  and  the  Bolshe- 

viki,  23,  32,  35,  38,  39,  40, 

46,  51,  52 
Burke,  Edmund,  63 

Capitalism,  80-92 
Church,  71,  72,  73 
Clemenceau,  104 
Conference  Peace,  35 
Czecho-Slovaks,  68-70 

David,  prayer  of,  108 
Democracy,  93 
Democracy,  Industrial,  98 
Doctrine,  Monroe,  37 
Dupries,  Charles,  10 

Emerson,  34 
England,  68 

Forces  Psychic,  87.  91,  103 
Fox,  Charles  James,  28 
Froude,  19 

Germany,  69 
Gompers,  Samuel,  25 

Hansen,  Ole,  47,  111 

Hegel,  8 
Hugel,  Von,  17 
Hillquit,  Morris,  24 
Hobson,  John  Atkinson,  90 

Individualism,  17 


Internationa.  Harvester  Co., 

97 
I.  W.  W.,  40,  42,  46,  57 

Jaures,  55 

Jesus  and   the  Social  Order, 

110,  111 
Jesus  and  Private  Property, 

114 

Kautsky,  54 

Kidd,  Benjamin,  76,  78 

Labor,  41 
Law,  61,  62 
Lawlessness,  58 
Lawrence,  10 
Lenin,  27,  30,  31,  32 
Liberty,  63 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  56,  62 
Lubin,  David,  74 
Luxury,  116,  117,  118 
Lynching,  58 

Macdonald,  George,  121 
Machiavellianism,  8 
Marshall,  Alfred,  81,  82,  83, 

85 
Marx,  Karl,  20,  44 
Mulford,  107 

Nations,  League  of,  35,  65,  66 
Nihilism,  12 

Parker,  Edwin  B.,  88 
Poland,  68 

Power,  Balance  of,  10 
Production,  Industrial,  100 
Proletariat,    dictatorship   of, 
30 


123 


124 


INDEX 


Property,    private,  106,  114, 

120 
Proudhon,  15 

Revolution,  French,  29 

Russian,  29 
Righteousness,  74,  113 
Russia,  49,  50 

Russia,  Peasants  of,  70 

Schmoller,  80 
Shakespeare,  18,  53 
Slays,  66,  67,  68 
Socialism,  96 
Sorel,  Georges,  43 


State,  the.  17.  18 
Standard  Oil  Company,  98 
Steinmetz,  Charles  P.,  95,  96 
Strike,  the  Universal,  54 
Stoddart,  Jane  T,  44 
Struggle,  the  class,  101 
Syndicalism,  42,  45,  53 

Thackeray,  9 
Times,  London,  84 
Treitschke,  80 

Vienna,  Congress  of,  64 

Wealth,  Predatory,  118 
Wells,  H.  G.,  74,  120 


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